http://scroll.in/article/811521/supreme-court-judgement-on-afspa-sets-stage-for-huge-improvement-in-indias-human-rights-situation

HUMAN RIGHTS

1,528 fake encounters in Manipur alone: Why the Supreme Court
judgement on AFSPA matters

The interim judgement points out that security forces can be deployed
as aid to civil authorities but it cannot be for an indeterminate
period.

Yesterday · 05:30 pm
Updated Yesterday · 05:31 pm

Saikat Datta

On the day the 19th battalion of the Army’s Rashtriya Rifles gunned
down Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Muzaffar Wani in an encounter
in South Kashmir, which led to massive protests in which at least 15
people have been killed, came an interim judgment of the Supreme Court
that can have a profound impact on human rights in India’s numerous
conflict zones.

Delivered on July 8, the judgment explicitly makes it clear that
terrorists are not necessarily enemies of the state. This is just one
of the several far-reaching observations that could profoundly bolster
human rights and ensure greater accountability of security forces
deployed in counter insurgency duties across the country.

The interim 85-page judgment comes in connection with a 2012 petition
filed by families of victims of alleged fake encounters from Manipur.
Calling themselves Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families
Association, they petitioned the Supreme Court four years ago seeking
a detailed investigation into 1,528 documented cases of alleged fake
encounters in the North Eastern state. So far, the court has
concentrated on 62 of these cases through a court-appointed commission
led by former judge Santosh Hegde, which found at least 15 of them to
be fake.

A division bench of Justices Madan B Lokur and Uday Lalit came up with
clear and unambiguous observations rarely seen in such cases earlier.

Balancing security and human rights

An argument put forth by the attorney general with regard to this
petition was that excessive inquiries into allegations of fake
encounters could demoralise security forces, forcing them to battle
insurgents with “one hand tied behind their backs”.

The apex court refused to accept this contention and noted that “…this
is not a valid criticism since, and this is important, in such cases
it is not the encounter or the (military/police) operation that is
under scrutiny but the smoking gun that is under scrutiny.”

While being sympathetic to the pressures that security forces face in
conflict zones, the apex court also removed any ambiguity on the need
to investigate allegations of extra-judicial killings.

The judgment is replete with remarkable clarity on tricky issues.

It points out that security forces like the army can only be deployed
as “aid to civil authorities” but it cannot be for an “indeterminate
period”.

At the centre of the petition is the draconian Armed Forces Special
Powers Act, which was enacted by the Jawaharlal Nehru government in
1958 to empower the Indian Army during counter-insurgency operations
in the Northeast. Without questioning the validity of the Act, the
apex court clearly points out that if the security forces have been
deployed for an indeterminate period of time, then there clearly has
been a systemic failure in governance.

In a sharp observation, the court pointed out that “…normalcy not
being restored cannot be a fig leaf for prolonged, permanent
deployment of the armed forces, as it would mock at our democratic
process and would be a travesty of jurisdiction…” conferred by law.

Not necessarily an enemy

The court also went into a detailed examination of who is a militant
or an enemy as understood in various laws such as the Army Act that
governs the functioning of the Indian Army.

Once again, the judges were emphatic as they pointed out that “a
person carrying a weapon in a disturbed area in violation of a
prohibition to that effect cannot be labeled a militant or insurgent”.

It nuanced its observation by adding that “if members of our armed
forces are deployed and employed to kill citizens of our country on
the mere allegation or suspicion that they are the ‘enemy’ not only
the rule of law, but our democracy would be in grave danger”.

The judgement also pointed out that “it does not matter whether the
victim was a common person or a militant or a terrorist, nor does it
matter whether the aggressor was a common person or the State. The law
is the same for both and is equally applicable to both”.

Besides the legal implications this judgement will have in the
Northeast, it may also have an impact in other disturbed areas such as
Chhattisgarh and Jammu and Kashmir. Both states have seen a prolonged
conflict, with security forces being deployed for decades and
operating with a sense of impunity that the apex court now seeks to
curb.

Babloo Loitongbam, a veteran human rights activist from Manipur and
the moving spirit behind this petition, is happy that this interim
judgment tackles ambiguities that dog humanitarian laws in India.

“In a sense, many of these laws were ambiguous and led to differing
interpretations,” Loitongbam said.

Civil courts, not Army courts

He is also keen that the usual practice of dealing with armed forces
excesses under military courts is done away with, as this case
progresses. “In countries with histories of fighting insurgencies,
Supreme Courts have ruled that excesses can be adjudicated in civil
courts,”he said. “This should be the norm in India and we must catch
up with progressive laws like many other countries that have dealt
with this issue.”

In March 2000, the 7th battalion of the Rashtriya Rifles carried out
Operation Swift in Pathribal, in Anantnag district of Kashmir, that
resulted in the death of five people. Facing allegations of a fake
encounter, the case was finally handed over to the Central Bureau of
Investigation that submitted to the Supreme Court in 2012 that it was
a case of “cold-blooded murder”. But the case was sent back to a
military court of inquiry, which closed it in 2014 stating that there
wasn’t enough evidence to establish a case.

The army operates in Jammu and Kashmir under a similar version of the
Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which was enacted in 1990
specifically for that state. Many human rights activists feel that
just like the Northeast, the Act has created a culture of impunity
that has prevented victims such as those killed in Pathribal from
getting justice.

The case also caused some embarrassment to the attorney general, when
the court found out a major lacunae in his submissions. The attorney
general had contended that the Ministry of Defence had a robust human
rights division that used to investigate all allegations. He was
directed to submit cases, which had been investigated by this
division. On examination, the court found that the six cases submitted
by the attorney general had not even been been sent to the human
rights division.

A precedent?

However, the military is not happy. A senior officer pointed out that
the Army has to operate under strenuous conditions where it is
difficult to distinguish the enemy from the “normal civilian”.
According to this officer, a veteran of counter insurgency duties in
Kashmir, the fear of an inquiry results in “ineffective operations”
and ensures that the militants get a “free run”.

According to sources in the internal security division of the Ministry
of Home Affairs, the implications of this interim order could be
significant, even though it is limited to cases of extra judicial
killings only in the North East.

“It creates a precedent and what prevents from people from other
regions using it to file similar petitions?” the senior home ministry
official pointed out. “That could have a major impact on the efficacy
of our operations in Kashmir or Chhattisgarh.”

Meanwhile, the petitioners are hoping that the court will order the
setting up of a Special Investigation Team soon to investigate the
allegations recorded in these cases.

For now, those associated with the case say that this is just a step
in a prolonged case of litigation that could last for another three
years. But the stage has been set and the judges have carefully
crafted a context that could change the abysmal state of human rights
in India forever.


-- 
Peace Is Doable

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