[The elevation of Yogi Adityanath as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh
is an odious and ominous development. It is an odious choice because
the BJP has picked someone who is widely regarded as the single most
divisive, abusive, polarising figure in UP politics. He is a
politician who has, for most of his political career, been the mascot
of militant Hindu sectarianism, reactionary ideas, routinised conflict
and thuggery in political discourse, and an eco-system where the
vilest legitimations of violence are not far away. It is an ominous
development because it sends as clear a signal as it is possible to
send at this time; the already accomplished political fact of the
marginalisation of minorities in UP and elsewhere will now be
translated into a programme of their cultural, social and symbolic
subordination.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/yogic-madness-yogi-adityanath-uttar-pradesh-bjp-narendra-modi-4576588/

In the moment of his political triumph, Modi has chosen to defeat India
Hubris has set in. The BJP believes it can get away with anything — it
now intends to

Written by Pratap Bhanu Mehta | Updated: March 20, 2017 12:25 pm

***The elevation of Yogi Adityanath as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh
is an odious and ominous development. It is an odious choice because
the BJP has picked someone who is widely regarded as the single most
divisive, abusive, polarising figure in UP politics. He is a
politician who has, for most of his political career, been the mascot
of militant Hindu sectarianism, reactionary ideas, routinised conflict
and thuggery in political discourse, and an eco-system where the
vilest legitimations of violence are not far away. It is an ominous
development because it sends as clear a signal as it is possible to
send at this time; the already accomplished political fact of the
marginalisation of minorities in UP and elsewhere will now be
translated into a programme of their cultural, social and symbolic
subordination.*** [Emphasis added.]

It signals that the BJP will now be dominated by extremes, its
politics shaped largely by resentment rather than hope, collective
narcissism rather than an acknowledgement of plurality, hate rather
than reconciliation, and violence rather than decency. Hubris has set
in. The party believes it can get away with anything. It now intends
to.

The election results gave Prime Minister Narendra Modi an
unprecedented mandate. It is true that most of us who did not expect
the mandate are hardly in a position to explain what the results
represented. All we know is that for a variety of reasons, people
reposed trust in Modi overwhelmingly over his rivals. He got credit
for leading from the front. He has chosen to interpret his mandate in
a way that licenses and empowers the worst tendencies of his party.
This is now not a statement just about UP: It is a statement about the
prime minister’s inclinations and judgement. In the moment of his
political triumph, he has chosen to defeat India.

Also Read: At Yogi Adityanath’s Gorakhpur durbar: selfies with chair,
all-powerful ‘chitthis’

BJP supporters are hiding behind the façade of party democracy to
legitimise this choice.
Yes, the formal imprimatur of the legislative party is behind him. But
given Modi’s power, this explanation is hard to digest. If Adityanath
was so clearly a popular choice, what was the hesitation in declaring
him the chief ministerial candidate before the elections? If it was
uncertainty about his ability to win across the state, then the result
does not alleviate it. So, the only conclusion is that it was a
duplicity of sorts —”of sorts” because the ideological currents were
apparent in the prime minister’s speeches and the BJP manifesto.

[Videp: BJP Will Work For All Sections Of Society Without Any
Partiality, Says Yogi Adityanath]

But every argument that leads to legitimising this choice bodes ill
for the country. If the legislature electing Adityanath is indeed the
best interpretation of the mandate, then Indian democracy is corroded
to the core: For it is effectively saying that India is now
communalised to the point where a figure like Adityanath is the
popular choice. We have to then give up the last vestiges of
democratic hope in the idea that while the people may misjudge or
commit mistakes, while they may occasionally excuse a crime, they will
not vote for the wholescale destruction of basic values. It has been
hard to resist misanthropy towards the role of citizens in Indian
democracy. Many elites have succumbed to it in a self-defeating way.
But it is that democratic respect that has perhaps made us
underestimate our capacity to legitimise political evil.

Taking a stand against a democratic mandate, without losing democratic
faith, is not an easy political act to juggle. If Adityanath is indeed
the popular choice, then the crisis of Indian democracy deepens: It
will essentially seem like a contest between fundamentalism and
democratic misanthropy, both destructive of the idea of democracy. On
the other hand, if his elevation is a misreading of the mandate, then
too we are in deep trouble: For it will show the limits of democracy
in containing sheer hubris. Either way, unless there is some
imaginative ideological regeneration, India will become a democracy
intoxicated by sheer power.

“Every saint has a past and every sinner a future.” This refrain has
often been used to excuse big political crimes in India. And it has to
be said, from Rajiv Gandhi to the current prime minister, leaders have
got away with a lot of political culpability. But even in the tainted
annals of our democracy, sinners have had to keep up appearances of
reinventing themselves, positioning themselves to show they had
something more than the taint to offer — what is striking about
Adityanath’s political career so far is that there is not even a whiff
of acknowledgement that he might need to speak to something larger,
acknowledge civility, or stay away from fear-mongering and the
legitimisation of violence. There is nothing else here, other than a
tissue of resentment and hate, unless you think the Gorakhpur model of
politics is a harbinger of development.

There is an element of truth in Yogi Adityanath’s claim that the BJP
is consolidating a politics that goes beyond caste, at least in the
way it was conventionally understood. But we are left with the
disquieting conclusion that the form of consolidation “beyond caste”
he practises will rely on an even more insidious communal politics.
The political challenges of this moment are going to be immense.
Modi’s rise to power has empowered a lot of nasty characters. Now they
get wholescale control of the state apparatus in India’s largest
state, and with every intention to reshape it in their image.

A forcing of the hand on the Ram Mandir issue is now an imminent
prospect. Visible opposition will be difficult to mount because of the
BJP’s total dominance, and this will likely make the situation worse.
The usual safety valves of Indian democracy are slowly shutting. We
have no idea of what kind of politics this suffocation will spawn.
India’s enemies will be exulting that at a moment in world history,
when all India had to do was to have a sensible policy, we have chosen
to empower the worst of ourselves.

Naths have a distinguished spiritual tradition. But militant Nath
yogis have a destructive history in politics: They were even
patronised by Aurangzeb. They were influential in Jodhpur, my home
town. The 19th century ruler, Man Singh, was a disciple. He called his
kingdom an “arpan” to the Naths. Raja Man Singh was talented. He
fancied himself a poet, a king and a yogi. The only catch was that he
was not the self-possessed ideal king. He had frequent bouts of
madness. He was paranoid, had power but could not master it. Now we
have been again asked to do a political arpan to the Naths. Madness
cannot be far away.

This column first appeared in the print edition titled 'Yogic
Madness'. The writer is President, CPR Delhi, and contributing editor,
The Indian Express.


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