[The problem lies not in the logic of the BJP’s choice but the fact
that many people, including the majority in the media, had been
seduced to believe that Narendra Modi had mellowed with power; that
having been elected prime minister of the whole country, and not just
chief minister of one state, he had prioritised “development” over a
divisive Hindutva agenda. Those who fell for this disingenuous message
were clearly delusional. For there is nothing that Modi has done in
close to three years in office that establishes that his fundamental
views have changed.]

http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/12/editorials/modi-and-yogi.html

Modi and the Yogi

Editorials
Vol. 52, Issue No. 12, 25 Mar, 2017

They are two sides of the same coin, committed to the same goals.

Why were people so shocked when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
decided that the most appropriate person to lead Uttar Pradesh (UP),
after its victory in the recent elections, was the Hindutva firebrand
Yogi Adityanath? Surely, given the stated aim of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh that mentors the BJP to push India towards becoming
a Hindu rashtra, appointing a man like Adityanath to head the
country’s most populous state makes perfect sense. It declares in no
uncertain terms that regardless of the public rhetoric about
inclusiveness, there is no dilution in the party’s long-term aim.
Therefore, if a hardline religious head of the Gorakhnath Math like
Adityanath is able to consolidate further the Hindu vote before the
next general elections in 2019, making the BJP’s victory a virtual
certainty, then why not?

***The problem lies not in the logic of the BJP’s choice but the fact
that many people, including the majority in the media, had been
seduced to believe that Narendra Modi had mellowed with power; that
having been elected prime minister of the whole country, and not just
chief minister of one state, he had prioritised “development” over a
divisive Hindutva agenda. Those who fell for this disingenuous message
were clearly delusional. For there is nothing that Modi has done in
close to three years in office that establishes that his fundamental
views have changed.*** [Emphasis added.] If indeed he had concluded
that both he and his party had to move somewhat to the centre to be
acceptable to all Indians, he would have firmly controlled people like
Adityanath who have been spewing hatred towards Muslims. Yet he has
done nothing of the sort. His silence in the face of such vitriol
confirms the obvious, that these so-called “fringe” elements are as
integral to the party as is the peel to an apple. They derive their
purpose, their power and their legitimacy from people like Modi and in
turn help him and the party in achieving their political goals.

One could argue that while ignoring the more extreme elements is part
of the BJP’s political strategy, getting one of them to head the
largest state in the country might prove counterproductive. Could this
five-time member of Parliament (MP), with his vicious anti-Muslim
utterances and utterly divisive actions, conducted through his own
goon squad, the Hindu Yuva Vahini, damage Modi’s cultivated image of
being somewhat moderate? How can his inflammatory statements of the
past gel with the lofty promises of sabka saath, sabka vikas made by
Modi?

The disjuncture between the two is already evident. Within a day of
taking office, Adityanath announced that one of his priorities was an
action plan to close down “illegal” abattoirs, suspected without any
evidence of processing beef. A day later, three meat shops were burnt
in Hathras district, 15 “illegal” slaughterhouses were sealed in
Ghaziabad and more were targeted in Kanpur, Meerut and Azamgarh. As
most of these are Muslim-owned, the reason for making this such a high
priority is patent. He also ordered the police to set up the so-called
“anti-Romeo squads” ostensibly to prevent sexual harassment of young
women on the streets. In fact, they are more likely to harass young
Muslim men. The bigger challenge the Yogi faces is how to give
momentum once again to build a Ram temple on the disputed ground where
the Babri Masjid once stood. The case dragged on for years but has
suddenly surfaced again with BJP MP Subramanian Swamy, who has not
been a party to the case, petitioning the Supreme Court to speed up
the long-pending dispute, and the Chief Justice suggesting an
out-of-court settlement.

As for whether the choice of the Yogi as UP chief minister will dent
Modi’s image, we have to ask if there is a contradiction between the
promise of a Hindu rashtra and promises of development with a saffron
tinge. How quickly people have forgotten Modi’s record in Gujarat
where he projected his “Gujarat model” of development to deflect from
the 2002 anti-Muslim pogrom. His messaging then was as slick as it is
today. And he succeeded in obscuring the reality that this kind of
development led to selective gains for some crony capitalists while
leaving out the poorest. It also marginalised Muslims in the state to
an extent that they did not dare raise their voices. The Modi brand of
development is no more than the bait to hook the electorate to the
idea of a Hindu rashtra.

It was inevitable after its 2015 loss in the Delhi and Bihar elections
that the BJP would have to re-strategise. This it did by maintaining
the rhetoric of development that Modi had used to good effect in 2014
and simultaneously planting the seeds of hatred and suspicion towards
Muslims to consolidate the Hindu vote. In UP, Adityanath was a useful
campaigner for the latter. With UP in its pocket, the BJP is now
confident that this jugalbandi of “development” and Hindutva can work.
It can shed the pretence of being a party for all and go ahead to
pursue its sectarian agenda. For that a Yogi in UP and a Modi in
Delhi, both polarising figures in different ways, are the perfect fit.

Updated On : 24th Mar, 2017

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Peace Is Doable

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