I/III. ALLEGED COW SLAUGHTER Delhi police fail to identify men who beat up buffalo traders, but book victims for animal cruelty
The authorities claimed that the attackers were from a group called People For Animals. But the organisation’s chair, Menaka Gandhi, denies any involvement. [Photo (of three battered youths): Abhishek Dey] 5 hours ago. Abhishek Dey “My friends pleaded for mercy. They kept screaming that they were transporting buffaloes and not cows. All this fell on deaf ears.” That is how cattle trader Mohammad Latif recalled an attack on three of his friends late on Saturday night near Kalkaji temple in southeast Delhi as their truck carrying 14 buffaloes was stopped by men claiming to be members of an animal rights organisation called People for Animals. The men beat up the three cattle traders, leaving them bleeding from their noses and foreheads. The men alleged that the cattle traders were taking the animals to be slaughtered – an act that is perfectly legal. The three men in the truck, who have been identified as Rizwan (25), Ashu (28) and Kamil (25), were travelling from their village of Pataudi Haryana’s Gurgaon district to Ghazipur mandi in East Delhi. Rizwan was driving the truck. They were followed by friends in three other vehicles. Latif and his cousin Anees were in one car, behind the truck. Zahid and an unidentified relative were in another, while a third vehicle was occupied by Bijender Kumar and Mohammad Ashfak. Except for Kumar and Ashfak, who had been in Delhi for sometime to attend a wedding, the others were travelling from Pataudi. When the cow vigilantes intercepted the truck and started assaulting its occupants, the cattle traders behind them decided not to intervene, fearing that they would be attacked too. “At one point, the crowd became very aggressive,” said Anees. “We were so scared that we fled the spot and parked the car around 200 metres away from where we could still get a glimpse of what was happening.” Latif and Anees later followed the police van in which their injured friends were taken to AIIMS Trauma Centre. Kumar and Ashfak chose to take a rather long diversion. “By the time we returned to the spot, which was in another 15-20 minutes, there was no one around,” said Kumar. Zahid and his relative, meanwhile, fled the spot and returned only on Sunday morning, when he joined his three injured friends at Kalkaji police station. All the witnesses have maintained that Rizwan, Ashu and Kamil were assaulted by a group of men alleging that they were transporting cows for slaughter. Here is a video shot by an NDTV staffer who was at the site shortly after the assault. Play Victims in custody Until Sunday evening, the police had not been able to arrest any of the members of the mob, who, the authorities initially claimed, belonged to an organisation called People for Animals. Though they made little headway in identifying the assailants, the police did register cases against the three men who were beaten up. The authorities charged Rizwan, Ashu and Kamil under Indian Penal Code provisions for killing and maiming cattle and sections of the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act. They were granted bail by Sunday evening. They had been booked after the police registered a First Information Report on the basis of a complaint by a man named Gaurav Gupta, who introduced himself as a member of People For Animals, which is chaired by Union Minister of Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhi. However, Gandhi denied all the allegations that the NGO was involved in the incident. The police seem to have taken her word for it. Another First Information Report was registered on the basis of a complaint by Rizwan alleging criminal assault and wrongful restraint. But the police failed to make any headway in the other case till Sunday evening. “We are yet to ascertain identities of the accused men who are involved in the attack,” Deputy Commissioner of Delhi Police (south-east) Romil Baaniya said. “Teams have been formed for that.” In video clips aired by news channel NDTV, some men can be seen claiming that they had followed the truck from Haryana. Though the assaults had abated by the time the videos were shot, the police are visible in the images. Despite this, the police say they weren’t able to make any arrests. Baaniya said that by the time an emergency response vehicle reached the spot, the people who had witnessed the attack and most members of the People For Animals NGO had already left. “At the spot, there was no means to verify who was involved in the attack,” Baaniya said. “But there is no cow vigilante group involved in the incident.” The police claimed to have acted on the basis of distress call from Gaurav Gupta. When Scroll.in contacted Gupta on Sunday morning, his brother Saurabh Gupta picked up. He said that he had rushed to the spot with Gaurav Gupta but by the time they had arrived, the assault was over. “How can the police even allege that the attack was carried out by members of People for Animals?” Saurabh Gupta said. “We are totally ready to cooperate with CCTV footage and whatever the investigators ask for.” Activism or vigilantism Despite the police claims that People for Animals were involved in the incident, the organisation’s chair, Maneka Gandhi, denied that the organisation had anything to do with it. In fact, she claimed that the organisation does not have a separate unit for Delhi. However, on Sunday morning, the organisation’s website listed the names of both Gaurav Gupta and Saurabh Gupta (as well as three others) under the head “PFA Delhi”. By Sunday evening, though, the page had been taken down. A screenshot of the contact page of People for Animals website, which the NGO said has not been updated. A screenshot of the contact page of People for Animals website, which the NGO said has not been updated. Gauri Maulekhi, a trustee in People For Animals, said that website’s contact page had not been updated for a very long time and that the Delhi unit ceased to exist in 2014. “Every unit of PFA is registered as a separate trust but we presently have no unit in Delhi,” she said. “But anyone can become a member of PFA on paying a membership fee of Rs 100. Delhi has around 10,000 members but any misconduct on their part cannot be attributed to PFA.” She said that several units of the People for Animals were closed down between 2014-’16. “While the Delhi unit was closed down after the close down of a monkey shelter it was looking after, two more units in Dehradun and Haryana had to be closed down for misconduct in the garb of activism,” Maulekhi said. “While the Dehradun unit was indulging too much into vigilantism, the Haryana unit was found to be working in cahoots with some mafia groups.” Not a first in Delhi While media reports flashed throughout the day suggested that cow vigilantism had finally reached the national capital, interviews with Zahid, Anees, Latif and other cattle traders suggetsed otherwise. “We are often harassed by such groups and they snatch away both our money and cattle,” alleged Zahid. “Many a time they physically assault us too but most such cases go unreported.” In June 2014, half a dozen trucks carrying cattle were damaged and one was set ablaze in Central Delhi’s ITO area allegedly by a group of men belonging to the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh and People For Animals. A news report on The Hindu quotes Saurabh Gupta commenting on the raids. Vigilante attacks in Delhi were reported in 2015 too. In one case a trucker carrrying buffaloes from southwest Delhi’s Najafgarh area to Ghazipur mandi was beaten up by vigilantes. In the other, an East Delhi transporter was beaten by locals in Chilla village, accusing him of smuggling cows. II/III. https://scroll.in/article/835441/video-purporting-to-show-cow-vigilantes-attacking-nomadic-herders-in-jammu-emerges COW POLITICS Chilling video seems to show how Jammu cow vigilantes brutally attacked a family of nomadic herders 11 alleged gau rakshaks are arrested, even as the police book four members of the family for transporting cattle without permission. Via Facebook Yesterday · 10:47 pm. Scroll Staff Chilling video shows how a family of nomads was brutally attacked in Jammu by cow terrorists chanting "Jai shri ram" pic.twitter.com/9k3bfNxWjk — Thatgirlinaniqab س (@zackovixen) April 23, 2017 A family of nomadic herders travelling with their animals was attacked in Reasi district of Jammu and Kashmir on Thursday night. Five people were injured, including an old man and a child, according to media reports. The police said the group had been assaulted by men who suspected the cattle were being taken for slaughter. On Sunday night, a video was posted on social media, ostensibly depicting the attack. It shows two women begging for mercy as a mob tries to tear down the structure they had taken shelter in. The police stands by and is unable to control the mob. Click here to watch the video. [Facebook account required.] The senior superintendent of police of Reasi, Tahir Bhat, told PTI that the nomads were travelling in two groups. One group that included women was taking the cows and calves, while the other group was travelling with sheep and goats. From the video, it appears it was the first group that came under attack, which took place around 9 pm near Talwara, according to media reports. On Sunday, Bhat told PTI that 11 people had been arrested for assaulting the family of nomadic herders. “Four members of the family have also been booked for illegally transporting cows and calves,” he said. The nomads did not have the requisite permission to transport the cattle. The police officer said the 11 men who were arrested for the attack did not have a previous criminal background. Scroll.in could not independently establish the provenance of the video and the identity of the person who shot it. III. https://scroll.in/article/835315/a-country-for-the-cow-the-chronicle-of-a-visit-to-pehlu-khans-village HUMAN TRAGEDY A country for the cow: The chronicle of a visit to cow vigilante victim Pehlu Khan’s village The Mewat farmer lynched by cow vigilantes in Alwar has left behind a broken family, and a fearful community questioning its place in the Indian republic. New Delhi: Anguri Begum, mother of dairy farmer Pehlu Khan along with her family members stage a sit-in demonstration to demand justice for him in New Delhi, on April 19, 2017. Photo credit: IANS. 2 hours ago. Harsh Mander An impoverished dairy farmer, white-bearded, visibly Muslim, only a few years younger than me, was lynched on a national highway by a mob of young men with stones and sticks who claimed that he was a cattle smuggler. He died later in a private hospital. Compelled and haunted by images of his attack – captured for history on a couple of mobile phone cameras – a few colleagues and I went to meet his bereaved family in their village Jaisinghpur in Mewat, Haryana. When we sat with them, our eyes lowered, we found it hard to find the words to convey to the bereaved, distraught and terrified family our sadness, our shame, and our rage. And yet before I proceed to tell you their story, in the strange, fraught times we live in, even I feel obliged to start by underlining that the murdered man and his sons were innocent, that they were not cattle-smugglers but legitimate dairy farmers. As though the crime of their brutal mob killing would be any less monstrous if they had in some way broken the law. Rajasthan’s Home Minister Gulab Chand Kataria, while criticising the attack, blamed the victims saying, “The problem is from both the sides. People know cow trafficking is illegal but they do it. Gau Bhakts try to stop those who indulge in such crimes.” His description of the marauders as Gau Bhakts, or worshippers of the cow, brought back memories from my years as a district collector in Madhya Pradesh during the Ayodhya Ramjanam Bhoomi movement, when rioters who terrorised, burnt and murdered their Muslim neighbours in town after town of communal frenzy were described benignly in the press and political speeches as Ram Bhakts, or worshippers of Ram. The felling of Pehlu Khan on April 1, 2017 on NH8 near Behror, Alwar, by self-styled cow vigilantes, had as little to do with the love of the cow as the annihilation of the Babri Masjid had to do with the love of Ram. This rationalisation for the hate crime echoed in many television debates. The studied refusal of the chief ministers of Rajasthan, where the crime occurred, and Haryana, which is home to the dead man, as well as the otherwise voluble prime minister to express any outrage or public regret for the killing reflects the same implied validation. No one from the Haryana state administration has visited Pehlu Khan’s home. Alwar’s Superintendent of Police Rahul Prakash categorically told Rediff.com’s Prasanna D Zore that the 15 men from Mewat, including Pehlu Khan, who were beaten up by a mob in Alwar on suspicion of smuggling cows had no verified documents to prove they were in the dairy business and not cow smugglers, and therefore, “hundred per cent they were cow smugglers; there is no doubt about that”. But he was reluctantly prepared to admit: “I don’t know if they [the attackers] knew for sure if they [the victims] were cow smugglers or not, but according to the police version they were cow smugglers.” Before any criminal cases were filed against the lynch mob, the Rajasthan police first registered a First Information Report against Pehlu Khan and the young men with him under the Rajasthan Bovine Animal (Prohibition of Slaughter and Regulation of Temporary Migration or Export) Act, 1995. I have a copy of the FIR. It mentions that they are charged under Section 5 of the Act. According to this section, “No person shall export and cause to be exported any bovine animal himself or through his agent, servant or other person acting in his behalf from any place within the State to any place outside the State for the purposes of slaughter or with the knowledge that it may be or is likely to be slaughtered.” The men were transporting five milch cows that had only recently delivered and carried papers to prove their purchase from the cattle market on Ramgarh Road in Jaipur. The only cattle that are taken to slaughter are too old or diseased to yield milk. Why would any person transport expensive high-milk yielding cows for a slaughterhouse that would pay them a small fraction of what they would earn if they were sold as productive milch cows? And to transport milch cows for dairying no papers or permission are required by the law. A videograb of the attack on Pehlu Khan and others in Alwar. A videograb of the attack on Pehlu Khan and others in Alwar. Therefore, there was no ground for any presumption by the police (nor by the vigilante mob) that the men were cattle smugglers. Even so, criminal cases were registered against them for crimes that could confine them behind prison walls for 10 years. They were also charged under Section 9 of the Rajasthan Bovine Animal (Prohibition of Slaughter and Regulation of Temporary Migration or Export) Act, 1995, which makes it illegal to cause bodily pain, disease or infirmity to a bovine animal. The claim was that the cows were being treated cruelly because two or three were packed with their claves in the back of a pick-up van. I wondered if the policepersons had ever travelled in an unreserved train compartment, a state transport bus, or seen casual workers transported in the back of trucks. By contrast, the police registered cases against the six men named in the FIR, and 200 others, only after the men who had been assaulted were charged. Their attackers were charged under relatively mild sections of the Indian Penal Code – Sections 147 (rioting), 143 (unlawful assembly), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 341 (wrongful restraint), 308 (culpable homicide), and 379 (theft). On April 3, Section 308 was changed to that of murder (Section 302) after Pehlu Khan died in hospital around 7.30 pm. Until the time of writing, none of the men mentioned in the FIR and in Pehlu Khan’s dying declaration have been arrested. Saddam Hussain, president of Mewat Yuva Sanghtan, alleged to the Hindustan Times that the police were unwilling to arrest the named accused because of their affiliation with right-wing Hindu organisations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the Hindu Dharma Jagran and the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad. “Either there is pressure from the government to not arrest them or police are not trying hard enough,” he said. There are echoes here from the earlier case of lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq in Dadri by his neighbours over the rumour that he stored beef in his refrigerator, which also stirred public conscience. Despite country-wide outrage, criminal cases were registered against Akhlaq’s family whereas a man charged with his murder who died of an illness in prison was cremated with his body wrapped in the national flag, in the presence of a Union minister. Any Muslim or Dalit victim of mob lynching is somehow criminally guilty, and the killers are nationalist Hindus understandably outraged because the sacred cow has been threatened or killed. The lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq in Dadri, Uttar Pradesh, in 2015 triggered country-wide outrage. Image credit: AFP The lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq in Dadri, Uttar Pradesh, in 2015 triggered country-wide outrage. Image credit: AFP I return to our visit to Pehlu Khan’s village Jaisinghpur, with my friends Farah Naqvi, Mohsin Khan, Zafar Eqbal and Rubina Akhtar, on April 18, 2017. The village is indistinguishable from many others in the district Nuh, earlier known as Mewat or the home of the Meo Muslim, who constitute 80% of this arid and water-scarce, impoverished district. We approached their home with trepidation. We had made the journey because we felt compelled to offer solidarity in a small personal way, in the times that we live in, which I can only describe as times of command bigotry, hate led and spurred from the top. But we did not want to intrude in their time of grief, which was already far too public. However Ramzan Chaudhary, the large-hearted and courageous lawyer (and a self-appointed spokesperson of the Meo people) who accompanied us, assured us that our visit would be welcomed by Pehlu Khan’s family because he felt we were “not the same” as many of those who had descended on their home in the past two weeks. But we still arrived there with unease. Theirs was a small modest village brick home. A green cloth canopy had been erected outside the house as the family could not accommodate the visitors who streamed into their nondescript village every day after Pehlu Khan’s lynching hit the headlines. There had been before us some journalists, many local politicians, some religious leaders, and members of the Kisaan Sabha affiliated with the communist parties. Farah and Rubina were led into the inner rooms and came back to us an hour later, harrowed. Pehlu Khan’s mother, a wizened old woman now completely blind, and his widow and daughters were inconsolable. Pehlu Khan was an only son. He in turn had eight children. Some were married, including Irshad, who is in his twenties. The teenaged Arif was also beaten up with him at Alwar. His daughters and daughters-in-law cannot make sense of why he was killed. His other sons and grandchildren are too young to understand what has happened. Outside, where I sat with the men, the mood was sombre. More and more men gathered in the hours that we spent there. The elders sat on benches, the young men squatted on the ground, deferential to age. I opened the discussion by saying, “We hesitated to come but at the same time we could not stay away. Because we want you to know that we share in your grief and in your anger against the injustice that has been done to you.” They accepted our awkward words with grace, and insisted that we must first accept their hospitality and only then talk further. We protested but to no avail. “We have been taught by our ancestors about how we should treat our guests, even at times like this.” After much persuasion, we still had to accept some sweetened soda before we began to talk. The story of what transpired with them is well known but as Pehlu Khan’s older son Irshad and others who were part of this traumatic journey – nephews, neighbours – spoke, the horror for us became even more palpable. The family owns barely an acre of land, which yields little for the family. So, they have always raised milch cattle – cows or buffaloes – and they sell the milk in the village or to richer landowners in the surrounding villages. They also buy milch cows from the cattle markets of Rajasthan, sell their milk for a while and resell them at a slight profit of a couple of thousand rupees. This helps feed the family. The sons helped out the father and when they could, drive a pick-up van or a jeep taxi. Pehlu Khan took even his younger son Arif with him because he wanted him to learn the cattle trade early. Members of Mewat Yuva Sangthan take out a silent march in Alwar to demand the arrest of Pehlu Khan's killers. Credit: HT Photo Members of Mewat Yuva Sangthan take out a silent march in Alwar to demand the arrest of Pehlu Khan's killers. Credit: HT Photo The month of Ramzan is a good one for milk sales, the best time of the year. People buy milk and curds for the pre-dawn Sehri or the evening Iftar. Pehlu Khan took a loan as he always did from richer neighbours, many of them Hindu Thakurs, at an interest rate of 5% per month. They hired a pick-up van from a neighbour, loaded on it their buffalo that had stop giving milk to sell, and with Irshad at the wheel, and Arif, a nephew and some neighbours in the back, they set off for the weekly cattle market on Ramgarh Road near Jaipur. This was a market they visited frequently. The cattle traders knew Pehlu Khan well. He had initially set his heart on buying a buffalo to replace the one that he sold. But he was offered a cow that had recently delivered a calf at a lower price. The cattle seller milked her in his presence and she gave 12 litres of milk. It was a deal. Other villagers also made their purchases. Together, they hired one more pick-up truck from the market. Pehlu Khan sat in the hired truck, with two cows and two calves. Irshad carried three cows in his pick-up van and drove with his neighbour and friend Asmat. All the cows were beautiful, healthy, with young calves and bountiful milk yields. In their villages, they describe pregnant and milk-giving cows as biyahi, or married. At the Jaguwas crossing in Behror, Alwar, the pick-up trucks were stopped by an ugly crowd of about 50 men. They dragged them out, slapped and heckled them, claiming they were cow smugglers. Irshad says he showed them the receipts of the cows from the cattle market but they tore those up. (Fortunately, he was able to get copies from the cattle market later. He showed us these copies.) They asked the driver of the truck Pehlu Khan had hired from the cattle market his name. It was a Hindu name. They slapped him and told him to run away. The other terrified men tried to run away as well but the crowd caught them easily. Pehlu Khan was the oldest among them and received the harshest blows. He tried to pick himself up weakly but the men rained blows on him again. Asmat was beaten on his back and spine, Arif was injured in his eye. The mob vandalised the trucks, twisted the bonnet, and threw rocks on the windscreen and the engine. They snatched their wallets, watches, mobile phones and all their money. Irshad had Rs 75,000 left from the loan. They snatched this as well. The crowd swelled. More men joined in the lynching; some vandalised the trucks as though for sport, some watched, a few took videos on their mobile phone cameras, some walked past looking at the screens of their mobile phones as though nothing was amiss around them. No one came to their aid. They lost track of time as the beating continued – with sticks, stones and belts – and one by one all the men fell, lying on the road or pavements in twisted inert heaps, almost unconscious. They guess some 20 minutes had passed when the police arrived. “They would have set us all on fire had the police not come.” The police confiscated their cows and had sent them to a private gaushala. They took Phelu Khan and orders to a nearby private hospital, Kailash Hospital, in Behror. It is there that Pehlu Khan died on April 3. The doctor who did the post-mortem on him told The Indian Express, “Injuries were the main cause of death. As said in our post-mortem report, the (thoracoabdominal) injuries were ‘sufficient cause of death’. The heart attack was secondary.” Irshad spoke to us haltingly, in a low monotone. He was still visibly traumatised, and in mourning. Besides, young people do not talk loudly in the presence of their elders. The older men spoke of how the families were ruined. How will they repay their loans? Will they ever get back the cows they had bought? Even if they ultimately did, would they still be the beautiful milch cows that they had bought? They would get back some useless scrub cattle, if any at all. The remaining cash they had taken on loan at 5% interest, compound per month, had been stolen from them. They would also have to pay for the vandalised pick-up truck they had borrowed. Their father had taken all the decisions but he is not there to guide them anymore. We also visited Pehlu Khan’s neighbour Azmat Khan. The young man, father of an infant girl, lay on a cot, wrapped in an old nylon sari converted into a sheet. He was still in pain, not yet recovered from his spine injury. He held my hand for a long time as I sat by his bedside. We looked at his medical papers from the private hospital where he was being treated. They did not look good. “I hope he will be able to walk again,” I whispered in English to my colleagues. He too had taken a loan to buy a cow for selling milk in the Ramzan month of fasting and prayers. Outside virtually every house in the village is tied a cow or two, or a buffalo. “Our children rarely drink milk. We have to sell every drop to repay our loans and bring home food. But now they are terrified about what the future would hold for them. Anyone can come into our houses and claim that we are raising the cows for slaughter.” They have few other options. The land is dry and infertile, and the rains fickle. Education levels are low. Thousands of young men are drivers but getting a driving licence for heavy vehicles from the notoriously corrupt district transport office is difficult. Young men over the years got licences from far corners of the country, probably because they had to pay smaller bribes. But over the last two years, these licences have been suddenly derecognised by the district transport authorities. Ramzan Chaudhary alleges this was done out of spite in this overwhelmingly Muslim district, rendering an estimated 75,000 drivers out of work. Gau Raksha Dal members out to inspect trucks on a highway in Taranagar, Rajasthan. Image credit: AFP Gau Raksha Dal members out to inspect trucks on a highway in Taranagar, Rajasthan. Image credit: AFP A few thousand men opened biryani stalls on the highways but in 2016 raids by police checking if the meat they used was of cows or buffaloes caused them to shut shop. Today, you see a small number of such shops, and they hasten to tell you that their biryani has chicken and not beef. And now even dairy farming has become a dangerous vocation. They do not know what the future holds, how they will feed their children. We asked how they will manage. “Bardashth karenge, aur kya?” some of them replied, dully. “We will bear it, what else?” “Bhuke marenge”, said a few others even more dismally. “We will die of hunger.” Some of them, though, are planning an unusual if heart-breaking act of civic resistance. They plan to take their cows to the district collector’s office and tie them to the gate, leaving it to the government to do what it will with them. “You do not trust us with the cow, and we are no longer safe in tending them. Let the government then take them over!” As we sat with a large group of men under the makeshift canopy outside Pehlu Khan’s house, the talk returned over and over to their anguish about the new climate of hate and suspicion against Muslims that they found surrounded them. It was never like this, they said. Hindus and Muslims have always lived together like brothers and sisters. But in the last two or three years, everything has changed. “We are watanparasth, true nationalists. Our ancestors made so many sacrifices for our country. They fought against Babur’s army on the side of Rana Sangha.” We wanted to stop them: please, you don’t have to do this. Why must you feel you have to prove your love for your country? But the words got stuck in our throats as they went on insistently. And they would also ask, “Who loves the cow more than us Meo Muslims?” Go to any Meo village home and see how much they love their cows, like they are members of the family. Any evening, see how lovingly they bathe their cows. And yet we are being called cow-killers”. By strange coincidence, the driver of the taxi we had hired from Delhi to travel to Nuh, a young Dalit Sikh, turned out to be a man who loved cows. He stopped the taxi on the way and took out rotis from the car and fed them to stray cows. He said he had worked as a driver for the owner of a gaushala, and in that time had come to adore cows. When he is off duty even today, he volunteers to tend stray cows in a gaushala. Returning from Jaisinghpur, our souls weighed down by all we had seen and heard, we gave him our leftover sandwiches to feed the cows. I joined him in feeding them, and as the cows nuzzled on my fingers, I realised afresh that what had transpired on the highway at Behror had nothing at all to do with the love of this gentle animal. Nothing at all. The words of the villagers in Nuh echoed in our ears. What is our place in this country, they asked us over and over again. 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