https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/Policy-Politics/Modi-loses-his-luster-as-economy-stutters?n_cid=NARAN012

October 20, 2017 4:30 pm JST

Modi loses his luster as economy stutters
India desperately needs new economic thinking after currency and GST
upheavals

HENNY SENDER, Nikkei Asian Review columnist

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi © Reuters

The garment makers of New Delhi, the carpet weavers of Varanasi, the
village barbers in Haryana and other enterprises at the bottom of India's
business food chain are in trouble. Providers of space and power are
demanding that their bills be paid. Yet these vulnerable enterprises have
little cash coming in. Customer orders have dried up; there is virtually no
demand. Every month more of them go under.

It has been nearly a year since India launched a bold experiment with
de-monetization, voiding 86% of all bank notes. What was initially hailed
as a bold effort to wring black money out of the economy has come to be
widely considered a disaster, both in conception and execution. As if that
failed experiment was not enough to deal a near-fatal blow to the weakest
businesses and households, the introduction of a new goods and services tax
(GST) has added to their difficulties.

Such ostensible reform measures are among the primary reasons why India's
growth in gross domestic product for the April to June period was a mere
5.7%. Under an earlier methodology, replaced by the government soon after
Narendra Modi became prime minister in May 2014, the number would have been
closer to 3.5%. The second quarter was the sixth consecutive quarter in
which growth has decelerated.

India's economic woes are symptoms of long festering problems and the
policy failures of successive governments. But they come at a time when the
rest of the world seems set on a healthier trajectory. India is falling
behind when it can ill afford to do so, given that it needs to create a
million jobs a month because of its youthful population but has created
fewer than 1 million every year. China, by contrast, created 8.55 million
jobs in the first half of this year alone.

Suddenly Mr Modi's government - which came to power with a strong mandate -
no longer appears omnipotent. This is a sharp reversal from just a few
months ago, when the voters of Uttar Pradesh, the country's largest state,
gave Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party an overwhelming victory over the
opposition. Now it is as if the emperor has no clothes. Criticism of the
administration is widespread among the opposition, and even among BJP
supporters. Economic uncertainty is now being aggravated by political
uncertainty.

Investment malaise

"The transition to GST, which came into effect July 1, weighed on
industrial production," JP Morgan's India economist Sajjid Chinoy noted in
an August research report. "The shock came at an inopportune time as
industrial production has not yet fully recovered after demonetization." In
June, capital goods output fell almost 7%, "reflecting the malaise
characterizing the investment cycle," Chinoy added. "We will keep a close
eye on whether all the losses are made up in the future months -- something
that has not held true for demonetization."

Part of the problem is related to expectations. GST was meant to be a
simplified, unified tax regime replacing a patchwork of central, state and
local sales taxes. It promised to make India a single economic entity
rather than an agglomeration of states, each with its own tax policies. But
it has not worked out that way. There are five different rates, with
tortuous distinctions involving vastly different tax consequences for
similar items.

Toll stations still exist at state borders, manned by collectors who
sometimes lack official status and decline to give out official receipts.
Even the largest companies have no clarity about the details of the new
taxes, but they at least have the personnel to grapple with the
complexities. Smaller businesses have had to hire staff, adding to their
cost burdens.

GST was not expected to add to inflationary pressures in the economy, but
it appears that in practice it is doing so. That, in turn, makes it harder
for the Reserve Bank of India, the central bank, to cut interest rates,
even though the cost of capital is too high.

Modi was elected on a promise to get India moving again, both figuratively
and literally (the average speed of freight trains is about 25kph, and has
barely changed in decades). To be sure, he has inherited a lot of problems,
including a banking sector in which bad loans are equal to 6% of GDP.
Private sector investment has virtually dried up, and is not likely to
increase given that capacity utilization is running at about 71%.

There are a number of things that the Prime Minister can do. He has already
started tinkering with the GST to make it simpler and more generous to
those at the bottom of the pyramid. There are other measures that make both
economic and political sense; notably further incentives for developers to
build affordable housing. Such schemes would provide jobs for migrants in
the big cities as well as meeting a desperate need for those who currently
live in hovels.

State elections are soon coming up, with the mountain state of Himachal
Pradesh going to the polls in November, while Gujarat is expected to follow
in December. Gujarat is Modi's home state, and gave him a large majority
when he was re-elected chief minister there in 2012, before becoming prime
minister. It is almost inconceivable that the BJP will lose control of the
state, though most pundits believe its victory margin will shrink.

It would be good for India, if any future reforms were more productive than
the recent ones.

Henny Sender is the Financial Times' chief correspondent for international
finance, based in Hong Kong, and a regular contributor to the Nikkei Asian
Review.
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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