----- Original Message -----
From: azali rahman
Sent: 04/24/13 01:59 PM
To: ar2013
Subject: Fwd: Fw: [alFikrah] Fw: [ausisnet] Najib's 'commercialisation' of GE13

---------- Original message ----------
From:"Azali Rahman"< azali_rah...@yahoo.com >
Date: 24 Apr 13 11:28:47
Subject: Fw: [alFikrah] Fw: [ausisnet] Najib's 'commercialisation' of GE13
To: Azali Rahman <a...@in.com>


--- On  *Wed, 4/24/13, Azali Rahman <azali_rah...@yahoo.com> wrote:
From: Azali Rahman <azali_rah...@yahoo.com>
Subject: Fw: [alFikrah] Fw: [ausisnet] Najib's 'commercialisation' of GE13
To: "azali rahman" <ar2...@gmx.com>
Date: Wednesday, April 24, 2013, 1:52 PM


--- On  *Wed, 4/24/13 , RbS <rabua...@yahoo.com> wrote:
From: RbS <rabua...@yahoo.com>
Subject: [alFikrah] Fw: [ausisnet] Najib's 'commercialisation' of GE13
To: "Najib Razak" <i...@1malaysia.com.my>, "ausisnet" 
<ausis...@yahoogroups.com>, "alfikrah" <alfik...@yahoogroups.com>, 
"fik...@yahoogroups.com" <fik...@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Wednesday, April 24, 2013, 5:56 AM

Inilah Raja segala RASUAH. Mempergula rakyat...

Disebalik membina dan memajukan Negara dengan MEMBANGUNKAN raayat menjadikan 
mereka raayat yang berguna, berdaya maju mencari rezeki masing2 DENGAN HALAL, 
Najib memilih untuk merasuah dan menggula2 mereka.

DIHARAP MEREKA 2 YANG BERKESMPATAN UNTUK MENASIHATI DATUK SRI NAJIB, TOLONGLAH 
NASIHATI BELIAU UNTUK BERHENTI SEBELUM NEGARA KITA JAHANAMMMM.....

YA..ALLAH, SELAMATKANLAH KAMI DAN NEGARA KAMI....DARI ORANG2 JAHAT DAN GILA 
KUASA...

----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Ahmad Farouk Musa <farouk...@gmail.com>
To: MPF <mpf_gr...@yahoogroups.co.uk>
Sent: Tuesday, April 23, 2013 2:20 PM
Subject: [ausisnet] Najib's 'commercialisation' of GE13


Buying support: Najib's 'commercialisation' of GE13
* Bridget Welsh
* 9:58AM Apr 23, 2013
GE13 SPECIAL The billion ringgit question of this campaign is how much is being 
spent in the 2013 general election campaign and who is paying for it?

Throughout the country, voters are already reporting early efforts to woo the 
electorate such as special grocery vouchers of RM300 in Sandakan and handouts 
of RM50 to attend a Umno meeting in Tanjong Malim, among many others.

The promise of more goodies on the way is being repeated over and over, from 
the symbolic extension and increase of BR1M (Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia) to more 
general ‘assistance'.

The use of electoral incentives is well-known and honed, but there is a 
fundamental shift in the overall pattern this time round. Scholars such as 
Universiti Sains Malaysia emeritus professor Francis Loh have described the 
electioneering pattern as from one of patronage to ‘developmentalism', where 
voters have moved from relying on everyday personal ties and relations with 
politicians to the promise of development projects.

In this election, a new pattern of commercialisation has emerged, where the 
‘You help me, I help you' and ‘Let's make a deal' mantras are framing the 
campaign in what is crassly an economic exchange.

The base money flows, materialism and expensive brand marketing in GE13 cannot 
be understated, as they represent the dominant strategic mode of BN's campaign.

Najib's RM58bil election primer

Incumbent Prime Minister Najib Razak has systematically adopted this strategy 
since taking office in April 2009.

He knew he inherited a difficult terrain, and more importantly, he would need 
to win seats. In the four years before he dissolved parliament to get his own 
mandate, he engaged in arguably the most expensive election primer in Southeast 
Asia, and by far the most expensive in Malaysian history.

Gleaned from over 4,000 news reports since April 2009 and a study of the three 
budgets/supplemental budgets (2010-2013), I conservatively estimate that his 
administration has spent a total of RM57.7 billion from after he took over as 
PM to just before the dissolution of parliament on election-related incentives.

(The primary sources of these electoral-related pledges are from national news 
agency Bernama.)

The two main components of this largess are politically targeted distributions 
and 1Malaysia spending. These measures are inherently political as not only are 
they framed as political tools, they are being openly been touted as a reason 
to support the BN at the voting booth.

As shown in the table, the main share of the election primer is not BR1M in the 
overall 1Malaysia programmes - this only amounted to RM5.6 billion - but other 
measures including salary increases and targeted populist initiatives in areas 
such as school construction from money administered through the PM's Office.

Targeted items include money to taxi drivers, repeated allocations for fisher 
folks, special allocations for the Danga development project in Johor, a rice 
subsidy for Orang Asli, special settlement for housing in Hulu Selangor, 
tricycle 50 percent subsidy support for those in agribusiness, subsidised 
discounts for students on trains, solar energy subsidies and so much more.

The estimate excludes money spent on special infrastructure projects, which 
have the spillover of government contracts. These have increased, especially in 
the defence sector.

Please note that this spending only captures public spending, and excludes the 
non-transparent donations of mass dinners, entertainers and use of jets 
provided free by government-linked private businessmen.

I also exclude the repeated announcements of treating different communities to 
a meal and drink, as the reports are only the tip of the iceberg for this 
funding. This estimate, and this is only what it can be seen to be an estimate, 
also does not fully capture the spending by the BN-linked 1Malaysia NGOs, whose 
funding sources remain ambiguous.

BN spends RM4,363 per voter

The most politically affiliated programmes involve 1Malaysia. Some of the 
highlights are provided in the table.

This estimate should be treated with some degree of caution. Many of these 
projects are legitimate spending on the part of the government, as they focus 
on basic needs. The use of cash transfers, moreover, is a common tool to 
address inequalities.

Nevertheless, what distinguishes these measures from earlier development 
spending is that rather than be included as part of ‘development' strategy or 
development budget, they are part of a campaign strategy administered through 
the prime minister, whose main purpose is to return the incumbent coalition to 
office.

They are short-term tools aiming to please voters and gain their support at the 
polls. They are like items placed near the cash register at the convenience 
stores, such as sweets, to make you feel good and buy them, but they are often 
quickly used up and many are not actually good for you.
Most of these measures are also framed under the Najib-linked slogan of 
1Malaysia. They are branded with an explicit tie to the caretaker premier. And 
given the amount of Malaysian taxpayers' money spent, they are not cheap.

To put in another way, the estimate suggested that the Najib administration has 
spent an estimated RM4,363 per voter so far. This is by far the most expensive 
election primer in Malaysian history. Given that money has been allocated to 
different candidates for the campaign, more money is coming.

Another defining feature of this spending pattern is the use of targeting. 
There is a clear orientation to find potential groups of voters, identify their 
immediate needs, and provide it.

Some of my favourite initiatives include those for teachers, fisher folks and 
young people. Others are narrower, geographically located. If Najib found a 
group with a legitimate demand, he would try to fill it. It would not matter if 
you were Hindraf or a Chinese school.

All of this is part of a ‘let's make a deal' BN electoral mantra. The modus 
operandi is similar to that in Umno elections, only this time the pattern of 
vote buying is extended nationally, with the use of public money to fund the 
exercise.

'Zaman duit' for voters

The bottom line in the BN's strategy is that it assumes Malaysians can be 
bought, and that their main motivation is driven by money. This obsession with 
materialism is a remnant of the Mahathir Mohamad era, where it is assumed that 
a person's worth is judged by how many houses they own, the cars, or the latest 
model of smart phones.

‘Money politics' is deeply ingrained in Umno. It is also assumed that the 
dominant paradigm is accruing wealth. They have appeared to have forgotten 
about the importance of morality and basic principles. Do they not see other 
needs for society? Do they really think that all Malaysians care about is money?

At the core, they mistakenly conceptualise Malaysians as driven by greed. They 
are transposing their own values and behaviour on the public.

This is not to say that money does not matter. Over and over across Malaysia, 
people describe this period as ‘zaman duit', especially the young. There is 
recognition of the difficulties of the majority to make ends meet. This is 
practiced in everyday decisions such as the choice of restaurant to eat, what 
to buy at the market and where to send your child to university.

Young people struggle with the high cost of housing, while elderly worry about 
whether their pensions can cover their needs in their old age and whether their 
grandchildren will have the opportunities they had.

Yes, Malaysians do worry, and the aim of the cash handouts is to offer 
temporary relief and in that haze of temporary-flushed finances, they will 
reward the giver. However, polls have shown that this has had a diminishing 
effect over time, and the time is ticking since the last BR1M, but BN hopes 
that come May 5, the giving will have its impact at the polls.

Najib's programmes are geared toward this ‘zaman duit', as are many of the 
opposition's proposals. Yet, there are three important differences in Najib's 
programme. For BN, there is a more calculated aim of using everyday economic 
challenges for political advantage.

This can be seen by the scope of the initiatives and is much more raw than most 
of the opposition's proposals. There is also no real recognition by the BN of 
the factors that have put the majority of Malaysians in these circumstances in 
the first place.

And more importantly, there is no substantive strategy to bring about 
sustainable changes in the quality of life and higher incomes. Many of these 
measures are short-term, vote-buying deliverables.

Where is the attention to the other needs of Malaysians? Where is the 
long-lasting investment in the people? Indeed, the ‘You help me, I help you' 
modus operandi reflects a disturbing shallow view of Malaysian society.

Selling BN as a product

It is not just the money and materialist orientation of Najib's electoral 
strategy that is so apparent. There is another commercial exchange taking place 
- Najib is offering himself for sale.

Signs across the north use the slogan ‘Produk Dahulukan Rakyat Malaysia' next 
to pictures of the caretaker premier ‘People First'. In the Malay heartland, 
these posters contrast with the ‘Kestabilan' posters in the urban areas.

The BN is being described as a ‘product' that the people should repurchase. The 
government is hoping that the electorate is on automatic payment, and will 
repurchase the 55-year old incumbent coalition.

To back up the purchase is a massive amount of advertising. Traditionally, the 
government has used the mainstream media for its electoral messages. This time 
round, they have spent so far an estimated RM100 million on advertising on 
public websites, billboards and shows - including Malaysiakini.

This marketing is obvious. BN messages are placed in between songs on the 
radio, on city billboards and lit up like it is the time for a grand sale. How 
much is the amount of money spent to light up the Umno building nightly? This 
is well beyond the saturation point.

Why is there this focus on selling Najib? It is part of the commercial approach 
that rests on the same principles of commercial exchange above. Najib is 
packaged as a product to buy. The BN is framed as a ‘lasting' product that 
should stay.

The beneficiaries of the branding exercise to date have been the advertising 
companies that were paid small fortunes for the marketing programme, and they 
have been the biggest advocates of this strategy.

Do voters buy their choices on brand marketing or is there something more 
fundamental at work? Are Malaysian voters that shallow that they will respond 
to political advertising?

Mitt Romney outspent Barack Obama in last year's United States presidential 
campaign by more than double. The 2012 campaign spent an estimated US$5.8 
billiion, a bit less than half of Najib's election primer and not including the 
advertising and current vote buying efforts. Importantly, this money was raised 
from the private sector not public funds.

Money is important, and some people will be swayed by it, but not everyone. 
Romney lost. He spent billions but lacked the human touch, the needed 
connection to win loyalty and inspire hope that Obama provided through a more 
people-oriented organisational campaign that was build from the grassroots.

A successful campaign sees people in their totality, not just as materialist 
consumers. Najib's use of commercialisation is increasingly pushing the 
electorate to see his methods and his product as past its expiry date.


________________________________

DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore 
Management University. She is travelling around Malaysia to provide her GE13 
analyses exclusively to Malaysiakini. Bridget can be reached at 
bwe...@smu.edu.sg.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]


Dear  *ar2013 !* Get Yourself a cool, short  *@in.com* Email ID now! 
http://www3.in.com/sso/commonregister.php?ref=IN&utm_source=invite&utm_medium=outgoing

Kirim email ke