The Business of Fighting Terror
By Ryan Singel

Story location: http://www.wired.com/news/privacy/0,1848,66177,00.html

02:00 AM Jan. 05, 2005 PT

Antiterrorism is an industry.

Since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in 2001,
the news has been filled with stories on proposed surveillance and
data-mining programs, ranging from the Total Information Awareness system
and the MATRIX to CAPPS II and journalist Steven Brill's drive for a
private, biometric identification card.

Antiterrorism books also form an industry -- albeit a smaller one -- but
until Robert O'Harrow Jr., a reporter for The Washington Post, published No
Place to Hide ($26, Free Press) this week, the true nature of an
ever-growing national surveillance complex was largely unknown.

In a masterfully written book, O'Harrow carefully diagrams the complex,
post-9/11 intertwining of increased law enforcement powers, influential
lobbyists, massive and unregulated troves of information marketed by private
companies to government agencies, and government officials' newfound
attraction to powerful data-mining applications.

It's the story of how a nationwide obsession with preventing another
terrorist attack in the United States has drawn together companies that used
to make millions selling targeted lists to retailers, high-powered former
government officials turned lobbyists, cutting-edge technologists and a
national security apparatus hungry for new tools.

To tell the story, O'Harrow mines his high-level government contacts to
produce the first behind-the-scenes look at the nation's most known and
unknown antiterrorism programs.

No Place to Hide opens with an intimate account of the Patriot Act's birth,
starting with the law's architect Viet Dinh's breakfast on Sept. 11 and
leading to the backroom Patriot Act infighting between civil
liberties-minded Sen. Pat Leahy and Attorney General John Ashcroft.

O'Harrow then walks the reader through the way little-known data aggregators
manipulate the public and hide the true extent of their record gathering and
consumer profiling, and how the highest levels of government got involved in
the development of a data-mining program developed by a known drug smuggler
and likely Iran-Contra operator.

O'Harrow here shows himself to be one of the nation's finest reporters, not
least for the quality of his sources or his meticulous, and almost seamless,
marshalling of detail.

For the first time, the public learns how former Vice Adm. John Poindexter,
best known for his deep involvement in the Iran-Contra scandal, and his
friend Brian Sharkey, a former Darpa official working at a huge government
contracting firm, hatched the plan for a worldwide data surveillance system
while parked on the side of a highway Sept. 12.

O'Harrow then tells the story of how Congress pulled the plug on
Poindexter's spy machine for all the right and wrong reasons and how
Poindexter actually won the battle by making sure the program's ideals and
efforts survived the senators' weed whacking.

No Place to Hide also catalogs, with unprecedented access, how two
government bureaucrats tried to create a massive, but carefully firewalled,
airline passenger profiling program that would use mounds of data to do
instant antiterrorism background checks on passengers, only to see
Department of Homeland Security officials create a public relations disaster
by expanding the system's scope before it was ever deployed.

But the real strength of O'Harrow's reporting in this book is not his
access; it's his considered, but not equivocal, judgments.

For instance, when discussing the role of data giant Acxiom, which stores
billions of records and millions of "virtual dossiers" on Americans,
O'Harrow takes the measure of the company's public face, its chief privacy
officer, Jennifer Barrett:

"As she spoke to Congress, Barrett pulled off the trick of seeming to
support these fair information principles while in fact opposing their
spirit head-on when they cut too close to Acxiom's business."

His judgment is equally sharp when he reflects on the meaning of all his
facts:

"Surveillance comes with a price. It dulls the edge of public debate,
imposes a sense of conformity and introduces the uneasy feeling of being
watched. It chills culture and stifles dissent.... The new legal authorities
and the government's partnership with private information companies now pose
a direct threat to this three-decade-old effort toward openness. "It's a
simple fact that private companies can collect information about people in
ways the government can't. At the same time, they can't be held accountable
for their behavior or their mistakes the way government agencies can. Their
capabilities have raced far ahead of the nation's understanding and laws.
The legacy of these efforts will be with us for many years."

There is no J. Edgar Hoover in O'Harrow's book, no figure intent on keeping
tabs on every anti-war protester using the latest technology.

The figures in No Place to Hide, including Poindexter, are reasonable and
human people, wary of the power of their technology, but mostly convinced
that their efforts are in the country's best interest.

Yet, O'Harrow clearly recognizes there is much to fear in a world where FBI
agents use grand jury subpoenas and Patriot Act powers to cull millions of
records from a major city's businesses for an ad-hoc data-mining project on
the basis of increased "chatter," as happened in Las Vegas in the winter of
2003.

If there is any weakness in O'Harrow's book, it is that he fails to attempt
to measure the true threat Americans face in the battle against fanatical
Islamic terrorists, or to investigate whether the best tools to prevent
another attack might actually already be in the hands of diplomats,
entrepreneurs or student dissidents in Iran.

That task may well belong to a different writer altogether, however, because
the brilliance of O'Harrow's work is not in his speculation, but in his
thorough reporting that is unafraid of passing judgment once all the
relevant facts can be found.

Will the surveillance-intelligence complex continue to thrive and find new
reasons to justify itself -- as the military-industrial complex did when the
Cold War ended -- once Osama bin Laden becomes a name in history books and
the barbarism of Islamic radicals' adolescentl violent reaction to modernity
is mostly forgotten?

O'Harrow does not ask this question, but his book, which ends with the
phrase from the title, answers yes. 



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