>From sfweekly.com
Originally published by SF Weekly 2005-05-18
�2005 New Times, Inc. All rights reserved.
http://www.sfweekly.com/Issues/2005-05-18/news/feature_print.html

Student of Concern
Will we be more secure -- or just less competitive -- if the government
forces hundreds of thousands of international science students to get export
licenses simply to look through a microscope?
By CRISTI HEGRANES

At a tiny round table in the shade at Caffe Strada in Berkeley, Arjun Gupta,
19, sat diligently working on problems for an upcoming freshman chemical
engineering seminar. Struggling to keep his long, black, curly hair out of
his face, Gupta, an Indian citizen who has been in the United States for
less than a year, made it clear that he was adjusting well to life in
America. He loves chemistry, living in the dorms, and his new American
friends.

"I don't have even a single friend from India here," he said with a laugh.
"I've been really lucky to make friends from all over the world." Gupta and
his friends "never really go out," just stick around the dorms. He said he
spends much of his time studying.

Gupta is the youngest of three brothers; the elder two both studied at the
University of Southern California and returned to India after earning MBAs.
Gupta wants to go back to India, too, but not until he finishes a Ph.D. in
chemical engineering. He said he misses India, especially driving the
chaotic streets of Delhi, his hometown. But he believes in the American
dream.

"I love it here," he said, his dark brown eyes slightly hidden by his unruly
hair. He said he loves everything about America, but he has two favorite
features. "The education is the best in the world. And everything works
efficiently, on time," he said happily.

Unfortunately for Gupta, his two favorite things about America may soon
change. New federal rules proposed by the Department of Commerce in March
could impede Gupta's access to educational equipment and force him to apply
for government licenses to use specific technology in the classroom, each of
which could take months to acquire. In fact, hundreds of thousands of
international students and scientists working and studying in the U.S. could
lose access to equipment and technology that they have had routine use of
until now.

Because Gupta is studying chemical engineering, he will eventually encounter
what the government calls "dual-use technology" -- technology that has both
civilian and military applications. Under the new Commerce Department
proposal, the use of everything from basic computer systems, semiconductors,
and training manuals to microscopes and telescopes will require some
international students to apply for government licenses before they can
legally have access to or study the technology.

Just as guns and corn require export licenses when shipped abroad, the
transfer of knowledge to foreign students in U.S. universities has long been
classified a "deemed export" under U.S. Export Administration regulations
and can also require a license. But it is only students such as Gupta, who
are from what the government calls "countries of concern," who will be hit
by the new rules, which target students based solely on nationality.

According to changes recommended by the Department of Commerce, universities
could soon be forced to apply for individual licenses from the federal
government before they can "export" knowledge to specific students about the
operation, installation, maintenance, or repair of certain equipment. But
thousands of academic subjects fit into the dual-use category, including
computer science; mathematics; civil, mechanical, and nuclear engineering;
and biological and chemical studies.

"If I had to apply with the government every time I needed access to a
cluster [a large set of computers used to run complex programs], it would be
very painful," says Ravi Kolluri, a 27-year-old Ph.D. candidate at UC
Berkeley. He works with three-dimensional computer imaging, which has both
military and civilian applications. He will likely have his doctorate before
the new regulations take effect, but if such regulations had been in place
when he applied to school in the U.S., he says, he "would have gone to
school somewhere else." Kolluri plans to work in the United States after
completing his degree. Once in the workforce, he may have to apply to use
equipment that he's had open access to for the last seven years as a
student.

Gupta's reaction to the proposed rules was one of confusion and denial. Upon
hearing of the export rules and their potential to obstruct his future as an
engineer, he hesitantly shook his head. "I'm surprised India is on that
list. I thought America was very fond of India," he said. When asked if he
too would go somewhere else if these rules took effect, he smiled, almost
shyly, and said, "Something like that couldn't happen here."

But the rules are quite real, and their implementation threatens more than
just Gupta's plans.

The proposed regulations would make universities apply to the Bureau of
Industry and Security, an arm of the Commerce Department, for deemed export
licenses for students who hail from 12 so-called countries of concern and
who intend to do research in dual-use areas. The new regulations seem likely
to create huge bureaucratic obstacles to foreign students' attendance at
U.S. universities. In 2003, the Commerce Department reviewed fewer than
1,000 deemed export license applications for foreign nationals. If the new
regulations are adopted as proposed, that number could shoot as high as
350,000.

Beyond the bureaucratic problems, the regulations have enormous economic
implications, pose questions about discrimination, and create
international-relations paradoxes. Students from China, Cuba, India, Iran,
Iraq, Israel, Libya, North Korea, Pakistan, Russia, Sudan, and Syria will
have to obtain deemed export licenses before engaging in some types of
classroom research.

University administrators with knowledge of the proposed regulations say the
rules are so burdensome that they will turn large numbers of science
students from certain countries away from American research institutions.
These students -- and the discoveries and inventions they help make -- will
go to universities in other countries, over time depriving the U.S. of one
of its main economic advantages in science and technology.

Meanwhile, foreign students whose home countries are not considered to be
"of concern" can study dual-use technology without the bureaucracy and
uncertainty surrounding the export licensing process.

Inherent in the new rules is a discriminatory contradiction: Students from
India, which has cordial relations with the U.S., will need licenses to
study, but students from Saudi Arabia -- home country for most of the
participants in the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington, and much of the
financing and ideology behind Islamist terrorism -- will not.

The issue of passing sensitive technology to foreign students arose in a
public way in the 1950s when Qian Xuesen, a Chinese student who excelled at
both the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the California Institute
of Technology, went on to become the father of China's nuclear weapons
program.

Since then, a variety of regulations and agencies have been created to
monitor and control so-called deemed exports. Heavy fines and criminal
penalties now exist -- up to $1 million and 10 years in prison -- to ensure
that companies and universities follow government guidelines when it comes
to foreigners and technology.

Decades after Xuesen graduated from U.S. universities with honors, the
academic community and the federal government had their first serious
discussion about research, technology, and international students. The
result of that 1985 meeting was National Security Decision Directive No.
889, a presidential finding in which the definition of "fundamental
research" was born. According to that directive, university research is
exempted from federal regulation if it "will result in publication and is
generally shared openly within the scientific community." By that
definition, most university research, because it does not deal with
classified information and is taught in open classrooms with published
textbooks, is by its nature fundamental research.

While the Commerce Department contends that it is not redefining fundamental
research, it is reinterpreting what fundamental research means in a
post-9/11 world. "We don't have an intention of changing the definition, but
we are focusing on clarifying what fundamental research is," Todd Willis,
senior export control policy advisor for the Department of Commerce, said in
a recent audio conference on the subject.

"A lot of study went into Directive 889," says Rachel Claus, an attorney in
the office of the general counsel at Stanford University. "After a thorough
cost-benefit analysis, they decided that it was much better to have that
international participation."

Since Sept. 11, 2001, the government has wondered whether the benefits of
unfettered research by foreign students actually do outweigh the security
risks and costs such openness could entail. The Department of Commerce has
been sharply criticized on more than one occasion for its handling of deemed
exports.

In September 2002, the U.S. General Accounting Office, an investigative arm
of Congress that gathers information on how executive agencies are doing
their jobs, was the first to revisit the issue of export controls and
education in the name of homeland security. A report released by the office
concluded that the Department of Commerce "does not provide adequate
assurance that U.S. national security interests are properly protected."
Specifically, the GAO took issue with the Commerce Department's failure to
have procedures to identify visa applicants who would be subject to deemed
export controls, based on the type of work their profession required. The
investigative agency identified a possible 15,000 temporary workers already
in the United States who required deemed export licenses but were not being
forced to apply for them. In addition, the GAO found, the Department of
Commerce rejects very few deemed export applications.

A year later, the inspectors general of the Commerce, State, Energy, and
Defense departments went on a fact-finding mission at major U.S. research
institutions, including Stanford, UC Berkeley, Harvard, and MIT. The
resulting report alleged that universities were not abiding by export
control policy, saying "at least one university granted foreign nationals
access to unclassified export-controlled technology without proper
authorization." The report concluded that such lenient information-sharing
could enable foreign students to reproduce sensitive technology, use it
against the United States, and therefore "degrade [U.S.] combat
effectiveness." According to Claus, that report remains classified, so it is
unclear what facts led to the conclusions.

Little fuss was made over these preliminary reports. But when the Department
of Commerce released its final inspector general's report in March of 2004,
it was obvious from the title that the response was not ambiguous. "Deemed
Export Controls May Not Stop the Transfer of Sensitive Technology to Foreign
Nationals in the U.S." made it clear that, according to the Department of
Commerce at least, academic research conducted by people from countries of
concern is a direct security threat.

The Commerce Department was not willing to comment on either the 2004 report
or the rationale behind the proposed rules. After multiple phone calls, a
Commerce spokesperson told SF Weekly that "the report speaks for itself."

Despite the potential for negative long-term consequences from the new
deemed export licensing rules, their implementation will never be voted on
in the Senate or issued by executive order. Rather, the State Department,
which has full authority to implement any export restriction it sees fit,
published the proposed rules for a 60-day discussion period that will end on
May 27. During that time the department will take into consideration
comments and opinions from anyone interested enough to send one. That is, if
anyone is aware of the issue.

Even top-ranking executives at the Institute for International Education, an
independent nonprofit organization, "did not feel confident" speaking on the
matter. Another group, known as NAFSA [formerly the National Association of
Foreign Student Advisers]: Association of International Educators, was "not
familiar" with the rules. Locally, the director of international student
services at UC Berkeley hadn't heard of the regulations, either. Four
science and engineering professors at Stanford had no idea what to say when
contacted by SF Weekly.

The lack of institutional awareness suggests the rules will be implemented
largely as written.

Just the same, many educators who are familiar with the regulations consider
them to be inherently unworkable, discriminatory, and isolationist. If they
are adopted in anything like the current form, these educators say, the
international students who drive American universities will slowly be turned
away in the name of national security.

When the inspector general's report was released in March 2004, 22
university presidents drafted a response to Condoleezza Rice, then the
national security advisor. Atop their list of concerns was the inevitable
creation of two classes of students on American campuses. Because only
students from countries of concern will be required to apply for licenses,
some students will continue to receive unfettered access to research
facilities and material, while others will have to fight to use equipment as
routine as a microscope.

"We are concerned that if this goes forward, it would force a discrimination
against international students on our campuses," Barry Toiv, director of
communications for the Association of American Universities, said.

In addition to the ethical concerns, the proposed rules are also raising
real questions about logistics.

Claus, from the general counsel's office at Stanford, says that any
international student with an interest in the sciences is already screened
in much more detail than students who study other subjects. "To get the
visa, these students have already been reviewed by the FBI, the CIA, and
Homeland Security. They've already been scrubbed, and the State Department
has decided they are a safe bet," she says.

But apparently not safe enough.

Under the new regulations, the Department of Commerce would be reviewing as
many as 350,000 additional deemed export license requests every year,
because all U.S. laboratories, research facilities, and universities will be
subject to the new license restrictions. In 2003, Commerce reviewed just 846
applications for deemed exports to foreign nationals. The new volume of
applications, it would seem, will be nearly impossible for the department to
handle.

But when addressing the eighth National Forum on Export Controls last month,
Peter Lichtenbaum, the acting undersecretary of the Bureau of Industry and
Security, said the department had made administrative improvements and
suggested that the processing time on license applications would be less
than two months.

To get a license for a student from a country of concern, a university would
have to go through a long application process for each student and for each
piece of technology that student might potentially use. The application
requires a detailed history of a student's citizenship(s); the student's
r�sum�; a letter of explanation of the student's course of study; specific
descriptions of the process, product, size, and output capacity for all
technology and software to be used; a dollar value for the technology
transfer; a description of the availability of the specified technology
abroad; and a detailed description of measures that will be taken to prevent
unauthorized access to the technology. There is a fee of approximately $1
per student, per application. A student such as Gupta, who is a college
freshman and could be studying in a university for as many as 10 more years
before completing a Ph.D., may have to apply for hundreds of licenses.

On top of licensing requirements, the new rules also call for a renovation
in the way that universities track their international student body.
Currently, universities are required to use an Immigration and
Naturalization Service computer system to track students by their country of
citizenship. The Commerce report suggested that universities will have to
redo their records and begin tracking students by their birth countries
instead.

For Lak Dae, a doctoral candidate in mechanical engineering at Stanford,
such restrictions could prove detrimental to his academic career. Because he
holds a Canadian citizenship card, he had no problem obtaining a student
visa, but Dae was born in North Korea -- a country of concern -- so his
research and education could have been -- and still may be -- altered or
stopped altogether.

By adding layers of bureaucracy to the already sluggish federal machine,
international student participation at U.S. universities will not only slow,
it will be pushed elsewhere. "If intelligent people can't come here and work
easily, they will go somewhere else," Claus says.

For Claus, who is among the leading experts on the subject, the political
undertone for these rules is obvious. "The U.S. is having a less mature or
less seasoned response [to terrorism] -- it's more like a 'close all the
doors and the problem goes away' approach," she says. And closing the doors
to international participation and research is exactly what the academic
community does not want.

Some politicians, however, say that these rules are exactly what the United
States needs. "I would suggest the standard we should use is that Chinese
students are free to come here as long as they're studying poetry and [free]
enterprise, and not high-tech systems that could have dual use," Rep. Dana
Rohrabacher (R-California) said at an April 14 joint hearing of the House
Armed Services and the International Relations committees.

"These rules presuppose that what is happening in U.S. classrooms is not
happening elsewhere," Claus says. She believes the assumption that
technology can be permanently kept in the United States is a false one that
over time will cost America in terms of both scientific progress and
academic performance.

Ph.D. student Ravi Kolluri, for example, hopes to return to India in several
years, and says he will have no problem finding work in 3-D imaging there,
because that technology, along with most computer- and science-related
technologies, is globally available. In fact, many of the technologies that
the U.S. is attempting to license originated abroad and are widely available
on the Internet. By isolating the international community and therefore
limiting future research and scientific achievements, these rules work
against prevailing modes of scientific advance. Everything from space travel
to cures for disease has been built and implemented by an international
coalition of scientists. "These rules threaten to destroy that," Claus says.

Aside from the promise of scientific achievement that universities associate
with international cooperation, there could be a distinct and powerful
economic impact from reducing foreign participation at the university level.

According to the Institute for International Education, international
student applications are already down 30 percent from 2003 in the United
States, while applications to universities in India, China, and the United
Kingdom are on the rise. In 2003, the 572,509 international students in the
United States contributed nearly $13 billion to the U.S. economy. California
alone received $1.8 billion from its international student population.

But the economic impact of reduced research goes far beyond the amounts of
money foreign students spend while attending U.S. universities. "We are
threatening to cut ourselves off at the knees," Claus says. If future U.S.
research is crippled by lack of international involvement, major
advancements will be made elsewhere first and, Claus says, "by our own
insistence."

"There will be an obvious economic impact on universities and on the
economy, but the larger impact will be the adverse effect these rules have
on education," Claus says. She believes that one reason America continues to
be a major player in the advancement of science and technology is because
the U.S. has always been open to international participation in research and
education. "That has carried us very, very far," she says. "And it has
contributed to technological revolutions that have advanced our economy."

Debra Stewart, president of the Council of Graduate Schools, says that 50
percent of graduate students studying science and engineering in the U.S.
are international students, nearly half of whom are from countries of
concern. And limiting their access could also eventually threaten the access
of American students to scientific training. If international applications
steadily decrease, Rachel Claus notes, class sizes will also inevitably drop
and courses that were once full may eventually be too small to be offered at
all.

As the 60-day discussion period goes on mostly unnoticed, many worry that at
this point, nothing can be done about the proposed regulation of foreign
students as deemed exports. For students and educators alike, the rules seem
stifling and unfair.

After thinking about the potential rules for several weeks, Gupta now says
he intends to submit a comment to the Department of Commerce. "I still just
don't think this can happen. But maybe I will get my MBA instead," he said
with a shrug as he packed up his book bag and headed back to the Clark Kerr
dormitory.

While Gupta is already considering a new career path, Claus warns that rules
like these have been dangerous in the past. "When the Third Reich was
emerging, they said that only Germans of pure Aryan descent could attend
German universities. Significant numbers of German scholars departed," she
says. "That was detrimental for Germany, but was glorious for the U.S.

"We got Einstein."



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