from the June 27, 2005 edition -
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0627/p11s02-lihc.html

Crime-busting cameras: a US-city experiment
By Clayton Collins | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

CHELSEA, MASS. - Sitting in Bellingham Square, hub of this city just north
of Boston, Philip Quaglione remembers when a surveillance camera hung here
at Washington and Broadway.

Its pole was knocked down several years ago, he says, either accidentally or
by someone who didn't like the unblinking eye.

Now, surveillance cameras are coming back. In mid-July, Chelsea, Mass.,
hopes to throw the switch on a quarter-million-dollar system of 27 digital
cameras with the capacity to monitor and record activity in any of its
public spaces, says Jay Ash, city manager. His hope: that the system, which
has cut crime in Chicago, will do the same in this high-crime city of 36,000
packed into less than two square miles.

Other small cities have similar aims. Officials in Schenectady, N.Y.,
reportedly plan to have eight cameras trained on the city's main commercial
zone by fall. State funds will be used.

Chelsea's ally is the US government, which will add seven more cameras in a
shared-feeds arrangement that has city officials encouraged, civil
libertarians concerned, and some residents wondering how electronic policing
and a federal presence will affect daily life.

The federal government is involved because a few Chelsea landmarks have
special post-Sept. 11 significance. The Tobin Bridge, a major gateway into
Boston, plants its northern footings here. Tanks of liquefied natural gas
huddle down by the Mystic River.

Anika Hobbs, helping a friend load a car on Winnisimmet Street, says new
cameras will do little to make her feel safer from terrorism. While she
supports efforts to curb crime, Ms. Hobbs calls the use of terrorism
concerns as a reason to boost surveillance "an excuse, especially in a city
like Chelsea," with its high minority population.

Others differ. "The more [monitoring] the better," says David Flores, a teen
who points to a spot a half-block away where he says a fatal stabbing
occurred earlier this month.

Public-safety meetings, attended by residents and local businesses, will
help determine where the city's cameras are aimed, says Mr. Ash. (Locations
are as yet undisclosed, says Frank Garvin, chief of police, who maintains
that the ambiguity effectively increases the cameras' value as a deterrent.)

Ash credits Washington with a new spirit of cooperation concerning the
federal cameras. Chelsea is part of a nine-member cluster of communities
called the Metropolitan Boston Homeland Security Partnership.

"What the federal government seems to be telling us is, 'We want you to use
this equipment for other purposes as well ... but understand that [its]
primary role is homeland security,' " says Ash.

"We have at least 10 places around the nation that ... are part of a pilot
program," says Michelle Petrovich, a spokeswoman for the Department of
Homeland Security in Washington. Ms. Petrovich will not confirm that Chelsea
represents one such program. Instead, she describes them collectively.

"[Federal cameras] feed into the local emergency operations centers, for
example," she says. "It's intended to give a larger view for state and local
law enforcement.... [The feed] goes into our Homeland Security operations
center as well, so we have an equal view."
Testing the limits?

Ash says the city would probably not retain digital images for more than 30
days. He says police officers might eventually be able to call up views from
any of the cameras through the laptop computers in their cruisers.

But civil liberties groups worry about the "federalization" of local police
and the potential for abuse of a growing observational power.

"Where there's a human being in the loop, there's the potential for abuse,"
says Carol Rose, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of
Massachusetts.

Ms. Rose - who says the ACLU is still looking at the Chelsea case - says the
legal limits of close new surveillance have not yet been tested in court.
She wonders, citing an extreme example, whether a private journal being read
in a public space could be discerned by increasingly high-tech cameras.

"We're coming up with protocols to make sure that those who are viewing the
cameras are doing so for lawful purposes," says Chelsea's Ash. "And we are
putting in place limitations on who has access to the images."

Despite signs of interagency cooperation, the future control of digital
image banks remains in question, others say.

"Sharing is political," says Michael Rogers, president of Oracle
Surveillance Systems in Baltimore, a $2 million-a-year firm that contracts
with several government agencies. His company recently installed monitoring
cameras at traffic lights in Fairfax, Va.

"Then the police wanted the feed," says Mr. Rogers. "The traffic-and-signal
people didn't want to give the police the power to control anything."
Big business or Big Brother?

Perhaps the most controversial area of monitoring is the proposed inclusion
of private-sector cameras. Many cities already have thousands, and demand
for electronic-security products is projected to grow 9 percent a year
through 2008 to $15.5 billion, according to Freedonia Group, a research
firm.

Video related spending, $3 billion of that total, has notched the sharpest
annual growth rate, nearly 13 percent.

"We had a discussion with members of the Chamber of Commerce about their own
internal systems," says Ash. "We're not sure about the links right now, but
... we're sure they're going to be available tomorrow."

But many of the constitutional protections that Americans have regarding
personal information in government databases do not apply where proprietary,
private-sector data is concerned, says the ACLU's Rose. That, she says,
could lead to their public-sector partners watching individuals without
probable cause.

"We're not Big Brother," says a Chelsea police officer who asks not to be
named. "If technology enhances our ability to fight crime, that's a good
thing."



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