http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/the-end-of-history-in-the-arab-world/427244

The End of History in the Arab World?
Faisal Nurdin Idris | March 08, 2011


For a long period of time, the Arab world was seen as immune to democracy by 
various specialists on the region. However, the recent surge of political 
unrest necessitates that we revisit this thesis. 

The uprisings in North Africa remind me of Francis Fukuyama's book "The End of 
History and the Last Man," in which he contended that liberal democracy would 
ultimately conquer other ideologies such as monarchy, fascism and communism. So 
in the context of contemporary politics in the Middle East, will there be a 
triumph of liberal democracy over the existing systems? 

The Arab world has commonly been characterized by its resistance to democratic 
and human rights principles. Countries in the region have suffered from the 
trappings of heavy-handed authoritarian rule such as party-based regimes, 
single ruling parties, juntas, ruling royal families, the lack of open 
political systems and repressive action against any opposition movement. 

This picture corresponds to Freedom House's 2009-10 world survey measuring 
political rights and civil liberties. Of 18 countries in the Middle East and 
North Africa evaluated, 14 were classified as "not free," while three states 
(Morocco, Kuwait and Lebanon) were labeled "partly free." The only "free" 
country in the region? Israel. 

So, what went wrong? 

Explanations range from economic (mainly valuable natural/energy resources) and 
geopolitical dimensions to security interests in the region caused by internal 
and external factors and actors. 

In Tunisia, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had been in power for 23 years, while in 
Egypt Hosni Mubarak had held power since 1981 before he stepped down last 
month. Yemen's president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, has ruled for three decades, and 
Libya's Muammar el-Qaddafi has been in power for 41 years. In Algeria, a state 
of emergency has been in effect since 1992. 

In the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, the ruling royal families remain 
a significant force, although there has been an increasing role for commoners 
to exercise power in government, like in Saudi Arabia. However, the tyranny of 
the majority and sectarian disputes pose another problem as Shiites are 
severely oppressed by Wahhabis there as well. 

The ongoing revolts in the Middle East may lead to power vacuums or 
instability. What is worrying is that revolution and usurpation in the region 
has in the past given birth mainly to dictatorships or other non-democratic 
rule. For instance, in the early 1950s Egyptian nationalists led by Gamal Abdel 
Nasser abolished the 1923 Constitution and political parties as well. 

Similarly, the Iranian revolution guided by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979 
overthrew the dictator Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Today, the country is governed by 
a theocratic system that oppresses opposition and civil society movements and 
groups striving for political reforms. 

Aside from the fact that revolutions may just lead to new forms of tyranny, the 
possibility of a resurgence of Islam as a political force in the Arab world 
needs to be taken into account. 

Scholars like Samuel Huntington have taken a skeptical view of the chances for 
democratization in this regard, arguing that the absence of democracy in the 
Muslim world was due to the anti-democratic nature of political Islam or, even 
more generally, the incompatibility between Islam and democracy. 

However, Indonesian Survey Institute founder Saiful Mujani's 2007 book, "Muslim 
Democrats," has challenged Huntington's claim, arguing that Islam in Indonesia 
is congruent with democracy. In this respect, it is noteworthy that the highly 
fragmented Arab world may be able to use lessons from Indonesia's experience in 
an attempt to assure a peaceful coexistence between liberal, secular and 
Islamist forces. 

But do citizens of the Arab world actually want democracy? 

In to a Pew Research Center survey last year, 59 percent of Egyptians said 
democracy was preferable to any other kind of government - just a little less 
than the 65 percent of Indonesians who shared that opinion. 

The Arab Barometer, a survey of democratic attitudes in the region conducted in 
2006 by Princeton and the University of Michigan, showed great support for 
democracy across the region. The survey in Morocco, Algeria, Palestine, Jordan 
and Kuwait showed that 86 percent of respondents agreed that democracy was the 
best system of government, while 90 percent believed that democracy would be a 
good system of governance for their country. 

However, Arab governments have long looked unable to respond seriously to these 
attitudes toward democracy, and the current revolt is some indication that more 
of the same is no longer an option. Adding to the complexity of the situation 
is economic deterioration and stagnation including rising unemployment rates, 
fatigue with long-term dictatorship and rampant corruption, a desire for 
reforms, increasing youth populations and last but not least, the rise of 
capitalism and modern technology in the form of social media. 

Sooner or later, people's discontent is likely to move forward to bring history 
to its end in the Arab world. 


Faisal Nurdin Idris teachesinternational relations at Syarif Hidayatullah State 
Islamic University (UIN) in Jakarta.

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