http://www.eurasiareview.com/05072012-religious-intolerance-in-indonesia-democracy-islam-and-modernity-analysis/

Religious Intolerance In Indonesia: Democracy, Islam And Modernity – Analysis

By: IPCS

July 5, 2012 

By Gautam K Jha

As the Taliban’s power is gradually eroding in Afghanistan and Pakistan, its 
influence is increasingly manifesting in Indonesia, where Islamic zealots are 
mustering support to enact sharia in the Muslim majority regions. Indonesia, 
once considered the most liberal Muslim majority country where multi-racial and 
multi-ethnic societies co-existed in complete harmony, is now struggling to 
reconcile its primordial cultural system with a new wave of pan-Islamic ethos.

Stories of Ramayana and Mahabharata, depicted through wayang – puppet shows – 
are still an integral part of the country’s culture and traditions. Indonesians 
still enjoy Ramlila and Mahabharata shows by the puppeteers reverently called 
dalangs, which may soon be replaced by Islamic preachers who endorse a 
Wahabi-style social system and are about to implement sharia in Tasikmalaya.

 
Indonesia

Tasikmalaya is a mountainous district located in West Java, the main island 
province of Indonesia. The district has been a source of numerous pesantrens or 
Islamic boarding schools in Indonesia. The pesantren education system 
originates from traditional Javanese pondokan or dormitories, finding parallels 
in ashrams for the Hindus or viharas for the Buddhists, to learn religious 
philosophies, martial arts and meditation.

Tasikmalaya is the second Indonesian territory after Aceh where all the 
administrative functions are conducted in strict conformity with the norms set 
by sharia. Under the garb of sharia, conservative traditions have been set in 
motion and women can be accordingly be arrested and caned for not covering 
themselves properly. This particular ordinance which has come into effect was 
signed on 24 September 2009 by Tasikmalaya Mayor Syarif Hidayat amid growing 
local concerns that globalization would adversely impact the residents in a 
city known for its Islamic schools and rich Islamic ethos. Apart from covered 
women, the ordinance also identifies fifteen other offences where serious 
action is warranted. These offences are corruption, prostitution and adultery, 
homosexuality, gambling, consuming alcohol, drug abuse, witchcraft, 
pornography, usury, thuggery, propagating cults and abortion.

These developments ironically have come at a time when the Indonesian 
government is trying hard to curb the influence of Muslim hardliners in society 
and in the country’s politics. The government’s resolve was reflected recently 
when Umar Patek, an accused in the Bali bombing of 2002 and facing death 
penalty if convicted, offered his apologies and sought forgiveness from the 
victims and the families of the deceased. Ever since the Bali bombing, in which 
the regional terror network Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) is the prime suspect, the 
Indonesian government has been cracking down heavily on the growing Islamic 
militancy in the country. However, in spite of its resolve, the government has 
failed to tame the upsurge of Islamic fundamentalism and pan-Islamic culture in 
the larger part of the twin islands, Java and Sumatra.

An important process which has precipitated the growth of religious fanaticism 
in certain regions of the country is the entry of some relgious charity groups 
from Arab countries. It may be recalled that during early 2000, the Indonesian 
Ministry of Religion had signed a MoU with a Saudi based charity, Al Haramain, 
to provide financial help to the country’s religious educational institutions. 
However Al Haramain appears to have largely served as a conduit for transfer of 
money to Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), a Southeast Asian terrorist organisation that 
aims to build Islamic states in the region. Similarly there are various charity 
organisations involved in helping Islamic schools with the sole objective of 
enforcing Wahabi patterns of Islam.

It needs to be underlined that as opposed to many Arab-Islamic nations, 
Indonesia has been more or less a peaceful country where a cohesive and an 
all-inclusive interpretation of Islam has ruled the hearts of more than 90 per 
cent of the population. However, the new wave of intolerance, which has been 
overshadowing the Islamic diaspora worldwide, has not spared this land of 
peaceful co-existence. Hitherto unheard of, the stories of communal violence 
and ethnic cleansing are doing the rounds.

It is pertinent to mention that the process of Islamisation of Indonesian 
society is not alien to the country but was never significantly reflected in 
its constitution Pancasila (in Indonesian ‘c’ is pronounced as ‘ch’) which 
embodies the secular nature of the State. Most of the Islamic parties and 
organizations which are as old as the Indonesian State have never been able to 
muster substantial political support in any of the general elections concluded 
in the country so far.

However, there is a marked change in the thinking of the youth over the last 
decade. Since the terrorist attacks in US on 11 September 2001, almost all the 
Islamic youth organisations have staged anti-US protests across the country, 
thus unveiling a new face of Indonesian Islam which was hitherto unknown to the 
world. Though Indonesia’s premier Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono insists that 
democracy, Islam, and modernity can exist together, he may find it increasingly 
hard to curb the growing pan-Islamic wave in Indonesian society unless the 
underlying sources are properly monitored and checked in time.

Gautam K Jha
Southeast Asia Analyst
email: [email protected]

About the author: 
IPCS

IPCS (Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies) conducts independent research 
on conventional and non-conventional security issues in the region and shares 
its findings with policy makers and the public. It provides a forum for 
discussion with the strategic community on strategic issues and strives to 
explore alternatives. Moreover, it works towards building capacity among young 
scholars for greater refinement of their analyses of South Asian security.


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