http://newmatilda.com/2012/09/07/what-hazaras-are-fleeing

Asylum seekers

7 Sep 2012

Why The Hazaras Are Fleeing
By Hadi Zaher

 

Hazaras are the largest ethnic group coming to Australia by boat. They're 
escaping sectarian massacres that may get worse after the end of the Afghan 
War, writes former refugee Hadi Zaher

Pakistan’s ethnic Hazaras, a community who are easily distinguishable because 
of their Asiatic appearance, have for over a decade born the brunt of ferocious 
massacres at the hands of religious extremists in Pakistan and Afghanistan. 
They also constitute the largest segment of asylum seekers arriving in 
Australia by boat. 

Although the Afghanistan-Pakistan region is a consistent source of bad news, 
very little of the everyday mass murder of the Hazaras and other minority 
communities makes its way into the Australian news. 

Members of the community are the target of execution style killings and 
massacres by Taliban and Al-Qaida affiliated militants who have vowed to rid 
Pakistan of the presence of minorities such as Hazaras. The frequency of these 
attacks has gone from a few attacks a month to multiple attacks per week. 

The first victims of the attacks were lawyers, doctors, teachers, and public 
servants. Today, it’s the vegetable vendors, taxi drivers and passengers, 
students, laborers and the ordinary men, women and children who bear the brunt 
of the latest atrocities. In light of the recent changes to Australia’s 
offshore immigration regime and the mass following of SBS’s Go Back to Where 
You Come From, it is essential for Australian politicians and the wider 
community to know what the so-called boat people are fleeing and the 
circumstances that force people to flee their ancestral lands, leave behind 
their families and board rickety boats not knowing if they will ever make to 
our shores. 

On the morning of 20 September 2011 a passenger bus carrying more than 60 
people left the Pakistan city of Quetta, headed for the Iranian border. Among 
those on board were men of various backgrounds and ages. Some were pilgrims 
travelling to Iran to visit the shrines of various Shi’a saints. Most were 
traders and labourers hoping to perform manual jobs in Iran and provide for 
their families back home. 

Some were teenagers and young men in their 20s who were fleeing the growing 
spate of killings and insecurity in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Men who hoped to 
go to Iran and eventually make their way to Europe and seek asylum. At around 
midday, some 30 kilometres south of Quetta, their buses were stopped by masked 
men armed with rocket launchers and Kalashnikovs. 

Hazara passengers were forced off the buses at gunpoint, lined up and then 
shot. The wounded were then shot again and again as they lay bleeding on the 
ground, breathing their last breath, not knowing the crime for which they were 
being killed. The masked men then chanted, "Allah is great’ Shi’as are 
infidels". 

Mere hours later, as distraught relatives of the victims rushed to the scene of 
the incident, two further Hazaras were killed when masked men sprayed their car 
with bullets. The perpetrators filmed the massacre of the 26 Hazara men and 
later distributed the video through online news services and YouTube. 

This massacre in Mastung was only one in a chain of targeted attacks against 
Pakistan’s minority communities, in particular members of the Hazara community 
who follow the Shi’a sect of Islam. In the year following the attacks, hundreds 
more Hazaras fell victim to discriminate attacks by the Taliban affiliated 
Sunni extremist group, Lashkar-e Jhangvi. The events in the last few days alone 
are a testimony to the ferocity and frequency of this gradual genocide in the 
making: 

On 27 August, three Hazara men were killed and two injured when their taxi was 
attacked in broad day light on Quetta’s Spini Road, a few hundred metres from a 
checkpoint manned by Pakistani security forces. 

On the morning of 30 August, a Shia judge along with his bodyguard and driver 
were killed as they made their way to the district courts. 

On 1 September, seven Hazaras were killed in two coordinated attacks in the 
Hazaraganji area. Five of the victims were vegetable vendors who had arrived at 
the local vegetable market to purchase vegetables while two of the victims were 
waiting to board a bus to travel to Iran for work. While these attacks are 
discriminate in that they target Hazaras and Shias, Hazaras of all backgrounds 
are targeted indiscriminately. 

The Pakistani state has consistently failed to apprehend the perpetrators of 
these attacks or clamp down on the extremist religious groups who openly and 
unabatedly preach hatred against the country’s minority Shi’as, Ahmedis, 
Christians and Hindus. 

It continues to turn a blind eye to the presence of thousands of Islamic 
madrassas and Taliban training centres across the country. These centres are 
funded by petro-billionaires from Saudi Arabia, UAE and Qatar, and supervised 
by Pakistani security agencies that use these centres for the pursuit of larger 
geo-strategic goals such as proxy warfare in Afghanistan and Indian Kashmir. 

The Pakistani military maintains a distinction between the good extremists and 
the bad extremists, depending on how useful they happen to be at the time. The 
courts are reluctant to punish militants, and often release men known to have 
been involved in multiple sectarian murders, facilitators of suicide bombers 
and clerics involved in preaching hate. 

Last year, the Pakistan Supreme Court freed Malik Ishaq, the founder of the 
Lashkar-e Jhangvi. Ishaq had previously been detained in connection with 70 
sectarian murders. Upon release, he was received and hailed as a hero by a 
crowd of tens of thousands. The organisation Ishaq founded continues to claim 
responsibility for attacks against Hazaras and Shi’as across Pakistan. Ishaq 
himself continues to attend political and religious rallies where he urges 
followers to teach the Shi’as a lesson. 

The Hazaras are disappointed with apathy of the international community, in 
particular the inaction of the United Nations. In both Afghanistan and 
Pakistan, they continue to be victimised by militants who enjoy support from 
powerful elements within the government. They cannot turn to Pakistani security 
agencies in hope of protection and have for too long appealed to the 
international community to come to their aid — all to no avail. 

Hazaras hold grave concerns about the implications of the planned US/NATO 
withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014. The withdrawal, they suspect, will bring 
the Taliban back into power and mass murder will turn to full-scale genocide. 

Desperate and fearful, some Hazaras make to it our shores in search of asylum. 
As such, Hazaras and other ethnic and religious minorities are in desperate 
need of full support and protection of the international community, including 
Australia. 


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