http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2013/03/06/A-promising-new-generation-of-TNI-leaders.aspx

A promising new generation of TNI leaders
by Gary Hogan - 6 March 2013 10:48AM 

Gary Hogan was the first foreigner to graduate from Indonesia's Institute of 
National Governance (Lemhannas) and was Australia's Defence Attaché to 
Indonesia from 2009 to 2012.

The leaders now in the process of assuming command of Indonesia's defence 
forces (TNI) are a different kind of officer: more sophisticated, worldly, and 
conscious of the wider implications of military actions for Indonesia's 
international image and reputation. A generational transition appears to be 
underway as command of TNI passes from the New Order academy graduates of the 
1970s to 1980s-trained senior officers who have spent as much of their careers 
under Reformasi as under Suharto.



This is good news for Australia. The ability of Australia's senior military 
leaders to communicate effectively with their TNI counterparts is the key 
determinant of a constructive defence relationship. It is important to rounding 
out whole-of-government engagement and important too when discussing sensitive 
issues like Papua. 

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and retired general Bambang Darmono, 
who played an important role in the successful Aceh peace process and is SBY's 
senior envoy in troubled Papua province, are symbolic of the '70s generation' 
of TNI leaders.

They graduated from Indonesia's military academy in the early years of General 
Suharto's New Order, in the classes of '73 and '74 respectively. As teenagers, 
they lived through the tumult of Indonesia's bloody 1965 anti-communist pogrom. 
Many of their military peers still recall the widespread atrocities committed 
in the name of suppressing a coup d'etat. 

In the early 1970s, the idea of free-thinking military officers with a 
Westernised world view was anachronistic. Only over time did Yudhoyono become 
one of Indonesia's great reformist generals. Others might include Agus Widjojo 
and the late Agus Wirahadikusumah. The three were treated as pariahs by many of 
their TNI peers. Rumours persist that Wirahadikusumah, a classmate of 
Yudhoyono, was assassinated by forces loyal to a powerful general who viewed 
him as treacherous. It is no coincidence that all three reformers spent part of 
their professional training and education in the US.

But for all their merit, Yudhoyono, Darmono and their peers belong to an era 
where TNI felt it was the ultimate guardian of Indonesia's territorial 
integrity (from internal rather than external threats) and the custodian of the 
spirit of the 1945 anti-colonial revolution. It was an organisation that 
distrusted civilians and their ability to run the country. Although more 
enlightened, perhaps, Yudhoyono and Darmono are still the product of a military 
culture that was wary of liberal democratic rights, the motives of foreign 
powers and anything that hinted at a challenge to a unitary republic of 
Indonesia, stretching from Sabang in Aceh to Merauke in Papua.

Today, TNI is facing a decisive break with the past. As Yudhoyono prepares to 
leave office next year, changes at the top of the military are paving the way 
for a new era of TNI commander. In August this year, the current military 
chief, Admiral Agus Suhartono, will retire. He will be the last TNI commander 
to have completed his cadet training in the 1970s.

In a shift to a new style of commander, Suhartono will almost certainly be 
replaced by General Moeldoko, who graduated from the military academy in 1981. 
Moeldoko is currently deputy chief of the Indonesian army. While his overseas 
training (in New Zealand) has been minimal, he is described by academy 
classmates as an 'ideas man'. His record of academic achievement is impressive, 
having come first in every career course he has attended, starting with the 
military academy. 

The current army commander is the president's brother-in-law, Pramono Edhie 
Wibowo, the son of one of Indonesia's most distinguished generals. Despite 
speculation that Pramono could be extended past his retirement date to become 
TNI chief, parliamentary approval would be needed and parliament appears in no 
mood to do Yudhoyono family members any favours. When Pramono reaches the 
retirement age of 58 in June, Moeldoko will likely replace him for just two 
months as army commander before his elevation to the top post of TNI commander. 
This will be one of the fastest promotions ever to TNI chief.    

Meanwhile, the chief of the Indonesian navy, Admiral Marsetio, and the chief of 
the air force, Air Marshal I Bagus Putu Dunia, are also 1981 graduates of the 
academy. Like Moeldoko, they represent a new breed. Marsetio is the product of 
extensive professional experience outside Indonesia, including in Italy, 
Germany, the Netherlands, the UK and the US. This is reflected in his acute 
appreciation of the need for TNI to project and engage internationally. Dunia 
too is a product of senior-level military education in Canberra, which augurs 
well for continuing the close cooperation between the air forces of Indonesia 
and Australia.

There are many reasons for this generational transition. The violence of the 
1965 counter-revolution does not exist in the living memory of TNI's current 
leaders. Indonesian officers increasingly embrace the study of English, seen as 
both the language of the internet and as a prerequisite for overseas training. 

Globalisation and the influence of technology have brought the world closer to 
all Indonesians over the last ten years. Extensive TNI involvement in UN 
peacekeeping operations and other interaction with armed forces like 
Australia's have enhanced the process of TNI professionalisation. Indonesia's 
free press has made the military more accountable for its conduct than under 
the New Order, just as other democratic institutions in Indonesia continue to 
take root and mature. Finally, the 2002 de-linking of TNI from the Indonesian 
National Police has seen public opprobrium directed less at the army and more 
at the constabulary, particularly its paramilitary mobile brigades.

Admittedly, Indonesia's current crop of senior commanders shares some of the 
TNI bloodline. The new leadership does have memories of East Timor. Although 
fading as a source of contention in the relationship with Australia, passions 
over East Timor can still be easily stirred. Like their predecessors, TNI's 
leaders remain vigilant against separatism and any signs that outside powers 
have designs on undermining Indonesian unity and integrity. 

Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

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http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2013/03/08/Reader-riposte-TNIs-new-generation.aspx

Reader riposte: TNI's new generation
by Reader riposte - 8 March 2013 9:50AM 

Edmund McWilliams, a retired US Foreign Service Officer, writes:

  Gary Hogan's March 6 article, A promising New Generation of TNI leaders, 
presents a weak case for its essential contention that new leaders of the 
Indonesian military (TNI) are 'more sophisticated, worldly and conscious of the 
wider implications of military actions for Indonesia's image and reputation.' 

  The central point that Hogan misses is that, notwithstanding the new blood 
purportedly surging into the upper ranks of the TNI, that organisation remains 
unaccountable before Indonesian courts for the sometimes barbarous performance 
of its officers and enlisted men. When rare public scrutiny compels a degree of 
accountability, those convicted of human rights abuse invariably are given 
light punishments.

  Moreover, the TNI as an institution continues to operate outside of civilian 
control.

  Despite parliamentary calls for fundamental reforms extending back over a 
decade, the TNI continues to rely heavily on sources of revenue not under the 
control of the civilian budgetary process. TNI leaders depend on a significant 
flow of funds from legal and illegal businesses, extortion of domestic and 
foreign corporations and other revenues not controlled by any civilian 
budgetary process.

  Mr Hogan's contention that some of the rising stars of the 'new' TNI 
constellation are more 'worldly' by virtue of their training in the US and 
other foreign countries is also essentially bogus. Some of the TNI's most 
infamous leaders, including Lt General Prabowo, benefited from extensive 
foreign training. This foreign contact failed to render the officers involved 
any more sensitive to human rights concerns or to the essential democratic 
order of a military subordinate to civilian control.

  Absent serious reform of the TNI, Indonesian democracy will remain hostage to 
a rogue military and the whims of the elite officer ranks which control it.


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