COMMENT

Israel's path to total war

By Kaveh L Afrasiabi
Asia Times Online
July 18, 2006
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/HG18Ak02.html 

One of the most malignant aspects of the new chapter in the Arab-Israeli 
conflict is the myth of Israel as the assaulted party, lavishly propagated by 
the White House and the infinite pro-Israel pundits in the US media, including 
the editors of the New York Times, who have labeled Israel's blatant aggression 
against the nation of Lebanon as "legally and morally justified". 

Never mind that the rest of the world, including the European Union, does not 
share this perception of who is mainly at fault for the deadly cycle of 
violence that has gripped the Middle East again. The irony is that one can 
detect greater voices of dissent and opposition to Israel's massive, 
disproportionate response to the token kidnapping of a few of its soldiers than 
is the case in the "pluralistic" US media, nowadays sheepishly toeing the 
official line. 

This line was expressed by President George W Bush in his press conference 
alongside President Vladimir Putin on Sunday when he stated firmly, "In my 
judgment, the best way to stop the violence is to understand why the violence 
occurred in the first place. And that's because Hezbollah has been launching 
rocket attacks out of Lebanon into Israel." 

Sure, Hezbollah conducted a raid across the border and kidnapped two Israeli 
soldiers, and that as a show of solidarity with the much-repressed 
Palestinians, but the rocket attacks on Israel were in response to Israel's 
massive bombardment clearly pre-planned to attain the dual objective of 
defanging Hezbollah and creating a regime change in Lebanon, perhaps as a 
prelude to a wider war on Syria and Iran. 

Gideon Levy in the liberal Israeli paper Haaretz has put it cogently: "In Gaza, 
a soldier is abducted from the army of a state that frequently abducts 
civilians from their homes and locks them up for years with or without a trial 
- but only we're allowed to do that. And only we're allowed to bomb civilian 
population centers." 

The White House-led masterly mischaracterization of the chronology of events 
culminating in the widening war show how nicely adapted are the standards of 
public relations that serve the Israeli war machine, currently pressing hard to 
pave the road for a future attack on Iran, by either the US or Israel itself, 
without the fear of any retaliation through Lebanon, thus depriving Iran of one 
of its multiple lines of defense. 

Little wonder, then, that the pro-Israeli pundits in Washington are wasting no 
time in pushing for an attack on Iran. "Why wait?" asks William Kristol of the 
Standard Weekly, rationalizing his warmongering bid in the form of "It is our 
war, too." 

But of course, assuming that the script for war on Iran began with the one-ton 
bombs on Gaza residential neighborhoods a few weeks ago, propelling Hezbollah 
inevitably into action, and the specter of wider war getting more and more 
imminent as we witness the ever-expanding list of "targets" by Israel, now 
including government buildings in both Gaza and Lebanon. 

Ze'ev Schiff, considered a top Israeli military analysts, penned an article 
titled "Invitation for escalation: Take note of what hasn't been hit" arguing 
that the Israeli air raids were deliberately selective, sparing the Lebanese 
government and army and focusing on Hezbollah strongholds. But wire reports of 
"colossal damage" to Beirut in retaliation for the Hezbollah rocket attacks on 
Haifa tell a distinctly different story, that is, a spiraling conflict that is 
fast turning the capital city of a sovereign nation to rubble. 

Not to be outdone by the Israeli apologists, New York Times columnist David 
Brooks disingenuously penned an opinion article in the Sunday paper titled "As 
Israel withdraws, its enemies go berserk". 

Putting the discourse of Israel as the aggrieved party to full throttle, Brooks 
and other like-minded pundits are busy cultivating an ill-informed American 
public, as there is no serious attempt by the US media to bring home the 
Palestinians' sufferings to Americans. There are not even half-decent reports 
on their plight after the recent barrage of lethal Israel attacks throwing Gaza 
into "semi-feudalism", other than a passing reference in the New York Times 
that there is no electricity or adequate running water, causing the beginning 
of a massive health epidemic. As Arnold Toynbee once wrote in A Study of 
History, "The absent are always in the wrong." 

A war to create Pax Israelica?
A disconcerting truth, revealed recently by two prominent Jewish American 
political scientists, about the extraordinary control of United States' foreign 
policy by the pro-Israel forces, has now been fully confirmed by the empirical 
realities of this brutal war. 

Despite dire warnings by certain US politicians, such as Senator John Warner, 
the Bush administration has failed to call on Israel to halt its offensive, 
opting instead to focus on Syria and Iran - reminding one of the Vietnam War 
when Moscow or Peking (Beijing) were often blamed for the efforts of the North 
Vietnamese. 

History unfortunately repeats itself more often on the tragic side, for 
otherwise we would not be witnessing such concerted scapegoating of Syria and 
Iran for the two-pronged warfare Israel has deliberately ignited. On the one 
hand, this is to dismantle the Palestinian Authority and return the 
Palestinians to the status quo ante, somewhat similar to the millet system in 
the old Ottoman Empire (in the best-case scenario). And on the other hand, 
seeking the "implementation of the UN resolution" calling for the disarming of 
Lebanese militias. 

Of course, from an observer's point of view, it is ironic that Israel has no 
qualms about disregarding other relevant United Nations resolutions, above all 
242 and 338, which call for the restoration of rights of Palestinians, focusing 
selectively on a resolution pertaining to a sovereign nation. 

As the tide of war intensifies, it is increasingly obvious that Israel's hidden 
objective is to inflict such mortal wounds on the weak nation of Lebanon as to 
bring it to its knees and thus take a giant step toward its grandiose objective 
of a Pax Israelica. 

A big regional superpower, bounded in a small physical space and bloody, 
ill-defined borders, Israel's warmongering is not a result of its absence of 
policy, as claimed by The Nation's recent editorial. Rather, it is the result 
of a sedimented power dynamism better understood from the prism of the (Michel) 
Foucaultian theoretical framework, which shows how the operation of (sacred) 
knowledge/power of Zionist ideology has now manifested itself in the deadly 
form of military regression that Israel has opted for in Lebanon and the 
occupied territories. 

Indeed, Gideon Levy and other Israeli liberals currently bemoaning Israel's 
"war of choice" miss this crucial point that long ago was articulated by the 
likes of Maxime Rodinson in his writings on Israel as a post-colonialist, 
expansionist state, for the very motif of this state militates against anything 
short of a "Greater Israel". 

The key question is, of course, if the present architects of this state will 
ever settle for the less-than-grandiose notion of a tiny Jewish state in a sea 
of Arabs. 

Looking back, at Israel's masterly use of preemptive warfare, most vividly 
demonstrated in the course of the 1967 war, and its clever maneuvers of taking 
half-steps toward the fulfillment of a "two-state" solution, such as the Oslo 
Agreements, only somehow to nullify those measures under one excuse or another, 
then their breach of peace with Lebanon and the Palestinian people is anything 
but surprising. 

Rather, Israel's actions today fully conform with its prior history, and its 
cyclical pattern of warfare with its Arab subjects and neighbors. Israel's 
strategy of provoking the "hostile other", eg, by assassination of a Hamas 
chief on June 8 and its "mistaken" shelling of Gaza, killing scores of 
civilians, without venturing a word of apology to the innocent victims, is 
indeed quite familiar in the annals of Arab-Israeli conflict, as is its 
strategy of massive, overwhelming response to a token breach from Lebanon. 

A more penetrating vision may, no doubt, discern some underlying, disconcerting 
realities, about the nature of world politics, role of power and the premature 
post-Cold War predictions of the world's passage beyond the old paradigm known 
as "realism". The military logic of action by Israel, discarding all peaceful 
options with the Palestinian people, is indicative of a Leviathan running 
rampant, in a world supposedly led by the US "unipolar moment". 

Yet that moment is increasingly turning a different color, that is, as the 
appendage of a much smaller state, whose supporters "wield political power 
disproportionate to their number", to paraphrase Toynbee. To add to Toynbee's 
insight, as the biased interpretations of the present conflict cited above 
clearly show, wielding media power is a key as to how this political power has 
come to such heights that bedevil and mesmerizes those who study it today. 

Kaveh L Afrasiabi, PhD, is the author of After Khomeini: New Directions in 
Iran's Foreign Policy (Westview Press) and co-author of "Negotiating Iran's 
Nuclear Populism", Brown Journal of World Affairs, Volume XII, Issue 2, Summer 
2005, with Mustafa Kibaroglu. He also wrote "Keeping Iran's nuclear potential 
latent", Harvard International Review. He is author of Iran's Nuclear Program: 
Debating Facts Versus Fiction. 

(Copyright 2006 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us 
about sales, syndication and republishing .) 

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