A HICCUP IN EFFORTS TO RENDER MINERAL TRADE MORE TRANSPARENT?

Posted by Enough Team on Feb 28, 2011

This post by Jason Stearns originally appeared on his blog, Congo Siasa.

Bloomberg had an article this week suggesting that the U.S.
legislation against conflict minerals could lead to a boycott of all
mineral exports from the region. Smelters, mostly located in southeast
Asia, are apparently telling their suppliers that as of April this
year they will not be buying tin, tungsten or tantalum from anywhere
in Great Lakes region that is not clearly tagged and traced. This
deadline mirrors one announced by the Electronic Industry Citizenship
Coalition, or EICC, an industry group in the United States.

The Rwandan government, along with local suppliers, is calling foul,
saying they need more time to implement traceability schemes. The
Rwandans say that 30,000 small-scale miners in their country could be
affected by this. They also say that the SEC regulations, which will
be published in April, do not come into effect until fiscal year 2012,
so why rush things?

Dealing with conflict minerals was never going to be smooth ride. We
always knew that aggressive regulation of conflict minerals would lead
companies to avoid buying minerals in the region altogether, for fear
of reputational damage. And that would affect not just the
questionable dealers and the armed groups, but also tens of thousands
of diggers and traders who live hand-to-mouth off the trade.

For many analysts - myself included - this initial shock may be
necessary to force traders in Goma and Bukavu to lobby the government
to withdraw its troops from mining areas. After all, most of the key
mining areas and trade routes have been in the hands of the Congolese
army for the past few years, following their massive campaign to push
the FDLR into the forests and to retake key economic sites. In
economic lingo: a demand shock would change the incentives for the
traders, and they have enough clout in Kinshasa to change government
behavior.

Of course, there is an alternative, less optimistic story that could
be told: That the U.S. legislation will just lead to more smuggling,
which will disproportionately benefit armed groups, as smuggling
usually involves military force. Instead of listening to the traders
in the Kivus, and despite the difficulties getting the minerals to
market, the government will prefer to keep their soldiers in mining
areas, as removing them might affect their peace deal with the CNDP
(who control many of these areas) as well as the personal interests of
many high-ranking officers.

There is no doubt that the voices of the critics will crescendo in
coming months as the SEC regulations kick in. But the conflict
minerals legislation alone was never going to be a silver bullet. It
needed to be accompanied by a lot of supporting fire on the ground.
Here are some thoughts off the top of my head of what could be done to
reinforce the momentum to regulate the trade:

(1) Due diligence is based on knowing where your product comes from.
At the moment, the murky maze of minerals trade in the Kivus -
stretching from thousands of pits to comptoirs in Goma and Bukavu - is
impenetrable for industry auditors, and receipts and documents are
easy to fake. But the maze can be penetrated - Global Witness, Enough,
and the U.N. Group of Experts have done so, it just takes months of
investigative work and good local knowledge. We need to
institutionalize this research - a third party oversight body should
work with the Congolese government to map the minerals trade,
investigate dealers and provide information to companies regarding
what is good and bad product. See a proposal for this here.

(2) We need to encourage the industry not to abandon the Congo. Create
a labeling scheme for well-traced, bona fide "conflict-free" minerals
that could be hyped through labels akin to fair trade coffee. Work
with the many mining co-operatives to operationalize this. Start with
the Bisie polygon in Walikale, where perhaps over half the region's
tin comes from. Of course, this would mean you'd have to get the
Congolese army out of Bisie first.

(3) The ball is really in Kinshasa's court. The government does not
appear to have a coherent (or at least a public strategy) for how to
deal with mining in the Kivus. Although President Kabila himself said
that the trade was being run by "mafia-like networks" last September
and declared an export ban on minerals, there hasn't been much effort
since then to clean up those networks. His own army chief of staff was
exposed by the UN and BBC of using army assets to further his personal
gold business. The army units that occupy the mining sites of Bisie,
Misisi, Ziralo, Kamituga, etc. are still there, profiting from the
trade. Can't the diplomatic community engage the government, perhaps
to set up a Task Force for Mining in the Kivus to support civilian
regulation of the sector, boost infrastructures (a lot of the minerals
still have to be flown out of the jungles at huge expense) and
eventually invite in international, industrial investors?

These are just some off-the-cuff ideas. But they all would be in line
with the mandate that the Dodd-Frank bill gave the State Department:
To develop "a strategy to address the linkages between human rights
abuses, armed groups, mining of conflict minerals, and commercial
product." This strategy must include provisions to "develop stronger
governance and economic institutions that can facilitate and improve
transparency in the cross-border trade involving the natural resources
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to reduce exploitation by
armed groups and promote local and regional development."

That strategy was supposed to have been submitted to Congress by last month.



Photo: Miners in a tantalum mine (Enough/Sasha Lezhnev)


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