>X-Sender: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Date: Sun, 23 Jan 2000 22:56:53 -1000 >From: "Viviane Lerner" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Subject: FW: ZNet Update - Commentary / Jennifer Collins / Ecuador > >Military-Indigenous Coup Aborted by Military High Command >By Jennifer N. Collins > >Report from Ecuador > >Quito, Saturday, January 22, 2000 > >Quito, January 22, 2000: The coup carried out yesterday in Ecuador by >mid-level military officers together with leaders of the indigenous movement >lasted less than 24 hours. Actions taken by officers in the Joint Command of >the Armed Forces has given way to the destitution of President Jamil Mahuad >and his replacement by Vice President Gustavo Noboa, and thereby the return >to constitutionality, but the pressing problems of social injustice and >exclusion remain. The indigenous and popular movements, which led the way to >the coup have not been granted any concessions or a seat at the negotiating >table, this may lead to further unrest. > >A Single Day of Popular Power > >After taking over the Congressional building (Friday, Jan 21), declaring >a new government of national salvation, and installing a new "popular >parliament," the forces supporting this rupture with the constitutional >order and the installation of a new popular government moved the center >of their activity from the Congress building slowly towards the National >Palace, located in the colonial center of the capital. At about 5pm that >afternoon the protestors and the military officers who had joined the >rebellion began a march from the Congressional building to the National >Palace. At around the same time, President Mahuad abandoned the seat of >government after being informed by the General in charge of the troops >guarding the Palace, that he could no longer assure the security of the >building. > >Later that night, after the leaders of the newly declared government had >installed themselves in the National Palace, it was announced that they >would meet with the leaders of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces. This >was clearly a crucial moment; up to that point the high level military >leadership had been very clear in their position of only supporting a >constitutional solution to the crisis. Earlier that day they had called upon >President Mahuad to resign, but had by no means given their support to the >mid-level officers who had joined together with the indigenous and popular >leaders. At about 7pm that night, the Chief of the Joint Command, General >Carlos Mendoza, arrived at the National Palace and began to dialogue with >the leaders of the coup in the middle of the plaza. Eventually they went >inside the National Palace and went into a closed session meeting with >leaders of the newly declared "Junta of National Salvation." It was >certainly quite surprising to see this representative of the highest level >of the military command entering into peaceful negotiations with the leaders >of the coup, who had in effect subverted his authority. > >In the meantime, the military cordon that had been blocking access to the >plaza in front of the National Palace was finally broken at 7pm and about >5,000 demonstrators, supporters of the new government flooded into >Independence Plaza. The balconies of the national palace were brimming with >people, a mixture of members of the military and the police together with >indigenous and popular leaders. Members of the military could be seen >speaking to the crowd below and leading them in chants of "Ecuador, >Ecuador." Below, illuminated by the light of TV cameras, the plaza was >filled with supporters of the new popular government. > >Just before mid-night, after about three hours of negotiations behind closed >doors, Coronel Gutierrez, who had led the mid-level officers in the coup >announced that his mission had been completed and that he was handing over >power in this new government to General Carlos Mendoza. At that point >Mendoza announced the formation of a civil-military triumvirate, composed of >himself, the President of the National Indigenous Confederation (CONAIE), >Antonio Vargas, and Carlos Solorzano, a former President of the Supreme >Court. Mendoza announced that this triumvirate would "work for the country, >put an end to corruption, and assure that day by day Ecuadorians would >become less poor." In response to a barrage of questions from journalists >about what sort of policies this new government would implement, Mendoza >evaded any concrete answers, and instead explained that the triumvirate >would have to meet the next day and had not yet made these crucial >decisions. > >Betrayal Comes at Night > >Thus, last night the country went to bed with a new civilian-military >popular government, but it awoke to the surprising news that General Mendoza >had betrayed his promise to join this new government. Just three hours after >the midnight announcement, sometime around 3am, Mendoza announced that he >was withdrawing from the triumvirate, and that he would give way to the >assumption of power by Vice President Noboa. In his declarations he >basically admitted that he had purposefully deceived the nation and had >never had any intention of allowing this junta to remain in power. He >explained that he took this action in order to avoid bloodshed and to bring >about a peaceful return to constitutional order. By the time he made this >announcement, the demonstrators had abandoned the National Palace. In other >words, it was clear that he had made a show of support for the popular >government in order to deactivate the demonstrations. Once this was done, he >met with the high military command and informed them and the press that he >was not going to continue as a member of the junta. > >This morning (Saturday, January 22) the military officers who led the coup >were arrested and are currently in jail, and apparently the indigenous >leadership is in hiding. Also this morning, Mahuad announced on a national >television broadcast that he had been overthrown by a military coup, and >asked the country and the political elite to give their united support to >the new President, Gustavo Noboa. Also this morning the Ecuadorian Congress >met in session in Guayaquil, i.e. not in the National Congress building into >order to take the legal steps necessary for Noboa to assume the presidency. > >What Happened? > >It is clear in hindsight that the military high command was never in favor >or willing to support this kind of a popular coup, and one can speculate, >either that the mid-level officers who helped lead the coup were simply >duped by the position of the representative of the Joint Command, or instead >that they began to realize that they might not have enough support within >the military to successfully carry out this coup, and so fairly quickly gave >in. > >Certainly what must have been another important factor in the decisions made >by all factions within the military was the international reaction to this >coup. Every country in Latin America, with the exception of Venezuela, >publicly condemned the coup and called for a return to constitutional order. >The United States did likewise, and went so far as to threaten that if this >coup persisted that Ecuador would be cut off internationally the way that >Cuba has been. Certainly, this sort of threat would have weighed heavily >with the military leadership. > >What is more of a quandary is the position and thinking of the indigenous >leadership. Clearly this action by Mendoza was a blatant betrayal of their >cause, and they appear to have come out of this whole episode in a weaker >position politically than before. Previous to this whole episode they had >five representatives in the National Congress; they had been elected on the >Pachakutik ticket, which is a political movement with strong connections to >the CONAIE and other social movements. In the midst of yesterday's events >three of the Pachakutik elected representatives resigned from Congress in >order to throw their support in with the new popular government. Two leaders >of the center-left Democratic Left Party (ID), also did likewise. Thus, the >small amount of representation that these movements had in the national >Congress has now been substantially reduced. > >Vargas, the President of CONAIE, announced this morning that in view of what >had happened the indigenous uprising would continue. After this statement >this morning the press has not reported on any other statements by the >indigenous leadership. There are, however, rumors that all of the leadership >has gone into hiding in anticipation of retaliations against them. The >rank-and-file members of the movement, who came into Quito from the >provinces and have been camped out in a park, today have been preparing to >return to their homes. Again the rumor that I heard is that they are >planning to carry on the uprising in the provinces. Given what they >achieved, even if only for a day, and the level of betrayal that took place >on the part of the military, I can't believe that some sort of reaction is >not going to take place, and I would not be surprised if the reaction this >time takes a more violent turn than it has in the past. > >What Future for Justice and Social-Political Change? > >While I am a strong supporter of democracy and the importance therefore of >democratic processes and institutions, I have to say that my heart is heavy >today. It is clear to me that here in Ecuador formal democracy has not >worked to represent or safeguard the interests of the poor, which represent >the vast majority of this county, or even of the small middle class. >Instead, the vast majority of the political elite, from the President on >down, have acted with incredible callousness and irresponsibility towards >the bulk of the Ecuadorian people, in benefit of a very small, but >economically powerful segment of the population. Not only has the political >and economic elite that rule this country not taken seriously the need for >redistributive measures to ameliorate the high level of income inequality, >but they have not even been capable or willing to take the steps necessary >to construct an efficient and competitive economy that produces economic >growth. Instead a type of crony capitalism has taken root in this country >and is threatening to draw the whole country into chaos. > >The indigenous movement has been valiant in its efforts to raise a united >call for a new type of democracy that can overcome this bias in favor of the >wealthy and powerful. Up until now they have worked through peaceful means, >but in view of this blatant and terrible betrayal it would not be at all >surprising if this was taken as a lesson that peaceful means are not very >successful at achieving change. Thus I am afraid that difficult and perhaps >tragic days lay ahead for Ecuador, but certainly the tragedy has been going >on for a long time as every day citizens are denied the means to live with >dignity, security, and with opportunities for bettering their lives. > > >- -- >For MAI-not (un)subscription information, posting guidelines and >links to other MAI sites please see http://mai.flora.org/ > > > > ............................................. > Bob Olsen, Toronto [EMAIL PROTECTED] > ............................................. > __________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. Box 66 00841 Helsinki - Finland +358-40-7177941, fax +358-9-7591081 e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.kominf.pp.fi ___________________________________ [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subscribe/unsubscribe messages mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] ___________________________________
