Roger ROMAIN
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B6180 COURCELLES

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From: "Jim Monaghan" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Sent: Sunday, January 30, 2000 5:42 PM
Subject: [Cuba SI] Brasil


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> 
> Brazil
> 
> One year of "democratic and popular" government in Rio Grande do 
> Sul state
> 
> by Adam Novak
> 
> [this article should be read in conjunction with the introduction
> by Carlos Henrique Arabe, and the articles on Rio Grande do Sul 
> published in the June and July 1999 issues of International 
> Viewpoint]
> 
> [The author welcomes criticism, comments and questions, to 
> <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
> 
> 
> This article is 10,000 words long.
> 
> 
> 
> 1       Introduction
> 
> Ubiratan de Souza of the Rio Grande do Sul Budget and Finance 
> Department is one of the 200 PT activists from the Porto Alegre 
> town hall who swept into the Rio Grande do Sul state 
> adminisrtation after PT leader Olivo Dutra won the state 
> presidential election in late 1998.
> 
> De Souza is proud of the first year of "democratic and popular" 
> government. "Obviosly, we live in a capitalist state, and that 
> puts big limits on what we can do.. But you can make many more 
> changes at the state level, compared to our previous municipal 
> governments.We can already dispute the redistribution of public 
> income. At a national level, much much more would be possible."
> 
> "Under the previous state government, public funds were 
> distributed to the multinationals. Now, those funds go on health,
> education, small farmers and small business development. That's a
> big change. One of our key successes was introducing the 
> participatory budget. We decided to let citzens decide on 100% of
> resources: not just new investments. Because you have to 
> understand the whole picture of income and expenditure in order 
> to make informed decisions."
> 
> But the success of the new Rio Grande do Sul government goes far 
> beyond its progressive reforms, or its experiment in direct 
> democracy. The whole strategy of the Dutra government has been to
> build popular confrontation with Brazil's economic and political 
> elite. Including the conservative parties who still dominate the 
> state assembly.
> 
> 
> 
> 2       Inherited problems
> 
> Any evaluation of the new admiistration must start with an 
> appreciation of the immense problems they face. The PT state 
> government cannot immediately create the favourable conditions 
> that exist in the state capital, Porto Alegre, where the party 
> has been in power for twelve years (see previous issues of 
> International Viewpoint). Under the previous state president 
> Antonio Britto, Rio Grande do Sul regularly ran a 30% budget 
> deficit (R$1.2bn). This disastrous situation was financed by 
> privatisation. Tax income was collapsing, through neglect and 
> corruption. To make matters worse, Rio Grande do Sul was been 
> particularly affected by the regional recession. The collapse of 
> trade barriers almost destroyed the local shoe industry, and 
> weakened much of the metalworking fishing and agricultural 
> sectors
> 
> Despite privatisation, and the collapse of real spending on 
> public services, the Britto administration spent more and more 
> public money every year. This was largely becauseof the growing 
> weight of interest payments on the public debt. This increased 
> from R$4.4bn in 1994 to R$13.4bn in 1998. 
> 
> The incoming PT adminitrtaion faced a situation where salary and 
> pension obligations consume over 80% of income, and interest 
> payments over 15%. The whole spending structure was confined in a
> straightjacket of benefits to companies, exemptions and tax 
> breaks. Having ruled out ptivatisation and redundancies, "in the 
> first months, the Dutra government was forced to implement a 'war
> economy'," according to an offical report after six months in 
> office. "Our government represnets a clear break wth the project 
> that was previously underway: the neoliberal dismantling of the 
> state apparatus leaving nothing but a 'Minimum State' and a 
> bouquet of good business deals for big capital." 1
> 
> Increasing income
> 
> The Dutra administration has removed some injustices and 
> absurdities from the tax system. It has removed many of the 
> previous government's regulations which enabled Cable TV and 
> breweries to pay lower taxes than food and other producers. As 
> well as revising the web of fiscal concessions, the government is
> auditing cases from the previous administration. Reforms are 
> leading to a simpler, more universal tax system. Enforcement is 
> becoming easier. It is also a much higher priority than under the
> Britto administration. As Ubiratan de Souza notes, "Porto Alegre 
> has achieved a massive increase in its income. We will try to do 
> the same. We can't take direct control of the means of 
> production, but we can use control of the state machinery to 
> seize a bigger part of surplus value and distribute it to the 
> people."
> 
> The government has also tried to stop the downward spiral of tax 
> concessions by other Brazilian states, to attract industry. 
> Procurator General Paulo Torelly and Vice Governor Miguel Rosseto
> have made repeated trips to Brasilia to challenge these tax cuts,
> and try to reach concensus on federal regulations for tax 
> concessions.
> 
> Each increase in taxation is a potential struggle with the 
> economic elite and central state. In November 1999, the Porto 
> Alegre administration was forced to reintroduce a standard tax 
> rate for residential buildings, after the Federal Supreme Court 
> declared illegal the progressive system introduced by the first 
> PT city government under Olivio Dutura.(0.95% for residential 
> property, 1.18% for comercial property). Guilherme Barbosa, 
> leader of the PT group in the city council, admits that this 
> contradicts the progressive policy introduced in 1989, but 
> expects total income will be the same, because successive 
> administrations have been able to increase the collection rate of
> this tax to very high levels.
> 
> In Porto Alegre, 12 years of PT administrations have increased 
> municipal income by 300%. The Dutra administration might not be 
> able to achieve the same level of income redistribution from rich
> to poor. But it has successfully resisted immense pressures to 
> continue privatisation and public sector redundancy, without 
> cutting public services or increasing the tax burden on the 
> majority of the population.
> 
> Debt
> 
> The new government has been handicapped by a very unfavourable 
> debt repayment agreement which the Britto government signed in 
> the months before the election. The Dutra administration found 
> itself bound by an agreement to pay much more in debt repayment 
> than Britto had done. In case of non-privatisation, this 
> percentage was to increase. The outgoing state government had 
> also ceded soverignty, authorising the federal government to 
> directly seize state resources in persuit of its claim.This 
> legislation designed to impose a stratitjacket on the incoming PT
> administration, and to force it to privatise what is left of the 
> state sector.
> 
> Vice Governor Miguel Rosetto realised that refusal to repay the 
> debt would isolate the new government, and be used to justify an 
> intervention by the federal authorities. Default would also 
> prevent the Dutra government from borowing money on the commecial
> market. The Dutra government could have continued Britto 
> strategy, by selling the remaining state assets: Banrisul 
> (Brazil's 14th largest bank), the remaining shares in the 
> electricity utility CEEE, the water treatment company Corsan, and
> the information technology company Procergs. It could also use 
> federal and international credits offer for "downsizing" the 
> civil service. 
> 
> But privatisation and reduncancy were out of the question. 
> Rosetto quickly developed a dual strategy. State procurator Paulo
> Torelly found a series of legal loopholes that enabled Rio Grande
> do Sul to deduct its debt from other payments owed by the federal
> government, but frozen because of the financial crisis. 
> Meanwhile, Dutra and Rosseto tried to maximise an anti-debt 
> movement, both in the institutions and in broader society. Dutra 
> managed to bring together five governors (three from the PT and 
> two from the ruling parties) to demand a renegotiation of the 
> federal government's treatment of all states' debt. Meanwhile, 
> the PT and trade unions threw their efforts into public 
> discussion of the debt, and strategies for building a "can't pay,
> won't pay" movement. They linked this to the development of a 
> Brazilian wing of the international ATTAC movement for taxatoin 
> of financial transactions.
> 
> Many PT supporters elsewhere in Brazil were disappointed that Rio
> Grande do Sul did not mount a more agressive campaign, or simply 
> default on its debt. Other state leaders, notably former federal 
> president Itamar Franco, made much more noise. But according to 
> Luis Felipe Nelsis of the Vice Governor's office, "bourgeois 
> dissidents have more room to make noise than we do. They scream 
> and shout, and then do a deal behind closed doors. After all, 
> they're all part of the federal president's political 'familiy.' 
> We on the other hand can only move forward if we have convinced 
> the population of the need to do so, and educated them about the 
> possible consequences." 
> 
> Left frustration with Rio Grande's 'moderation' on the debt 
> question has died away in recent months, as all the other 
> governments have fallen in line with the federal administration, 
> while Rio Grande do Sul has continued to build popular support 
> for a renegotiation of federal debt, and of the country's debt to
> foreign banks and governments.
> 
> The new administration has also demonsrtated its committment to 
> "governing differently" by cutting over 80% from the budget for 
> publicity, governor's travel, car hire and congresses. Total 
> non-wage and non-investment costs of the administration have been
> cut by over 29%. 
> 
> Stability achieved
> 
> "The opposition said that, unless we privatised, there'dbe no 
> money to pay the wages in March [the third month of the Dutra 
> mandate]," says Nelsis. "In fact, we have paid on time throughout
> the year, even the bonus 13th month. No other state in Brazil can
> say the same. We have drastically reduced the deficit, from 
> R$1.2bn to R$0.3-0.4bn. We have increased receipts, despite 
> economic stagnation. We have ended exceptions that prevented us 
> from taxing Cable TV, beer and some other products. 
> Unfortunately, there is a continued tax war between the states of
> Brazil, making competitive cuts in the hope that this will 
> attract companies. We have increased resources on detecting 
> fraud, and reduced the incentives which had such a big cost to 
> society. But we need a federal renegotiation to resolve the 
> question of tax competition between the states."
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 3 -- ambitious policies
> 
> Debt reduction and austerity measures required an enormous 
> effort. But they made possible the regular function of the state 
> machinery, and -- so far-- regular payment of salaries, without 
> privatisation or redundancies. To have refused these pressures, 
> and survived, was a considerable achievement. It distinguishes 
> Rio Grande do Sul from all the other Brazilian states. But the 
> Dutra administration has gone much further. It has already 
> signalled new priorities, and changed the pattern of spending, so
> as to direct resorces to the majority of the population.
> 
> Renegotiating with the multinationals
> 
> One promise of the electoral campaign was to reevaluate and 
> renegotiate the previous administration's contracts with 
> multinational investors. Tax breaks, infrastructure promises and 
> other state committments threatened to empty the public purse, 
> while creating very few permanent jobs. The Dutra administration 
> sucessfully renegotated its contract with General Motors, saving 
> over R$103m. It also convinced Dell Computors to accept lower 
> incentives over a longer period, and source a greater part of its
> scientific and technical work from local subcontractors.
> 
> Unfortunately, the Ford motor company was less advanced in its 
> installation, and was already worrying about the financial 
> implications of another Brazilian factory. Encouraged by the 
> federal government, Ford walked away from the negotiations, 
> refusing to return the R$134m already paid by Rio Grande do Sul. 
> Ford has now promised to build a factor in Bahia state, where it 
> is alrady recieving massive state subsidies.
> 
> The new administration has also renegotiated over 400 contracts 
> with a series of public sector contractors, particualry the road 
> building and opperating comapnies. In exchange for new orders and
> longer concessions, contractors have reduced their costs. Critics
> warned that the participatory budget system would force the 
> government to split investment into impossibly small parcels. But
> in 1999 the Dutra government was able to spend R$299m on road 
> spending -- more than any incoming state government. In Brazil, 
> roadbuilding is a traditional election--year programme. In Rio 
> Grande, election no longer depends on populist stunts.
> 
> 
> 
> Health
> 
> The government is only partially satisfied with its progress in 
> the field of health. Most resources are federal, and the public 
> health system is in crisis. According to Nelsis, "we were able to
> plan well, and integreate movements concerned with health care. 
> We won greater control over health care, and passed control to 
> the municipalities, at their request. We accompanied this with 
> state financial and logistic support. Despite a generalised fall 
> in health spending, we improved the public health system, 
> compared to the previous government. The perspective is for 
> growth in a well organised system." 
> 
> The Unitary Health System (SUS) was decentralised and 
> regionalised, improving access to health care accross the state. 
> An emergency loan of R$3.8m to 12 charity hospitals prevented 
> them from leaving the SUS, and preserved public access to these 
> establishments. At the request of the municipalities, the state 
> administation began devolving responsibility, and resources, for 
> health care, to a series of inter-municipality health 
> consortiums. The state has also provided 31bn to create local and
> intermunipcal health consortiums. Total health spending 
> increased.
> 
> Education
> 
> The number of secondary school places increased by 18.62% (60,485
> students). The state now guarantees a place in public school to 
> every every child and adolescent who wishes to study. This 
> required an additional 35,000 teacher hours, which was provided 
> by contracting 2,500 new teachers (with another 2,800 planned) 
> and 1,375 administrative personel (when the PT took over the 
> state, only one in three schools had administrative personel to 
> support the pedagogic staff). Rio Grande continues to have 
> Brazil's best literacy campaigns (MOVA-RS), and the erradication 
> of illiteracy is now a realistic target.
> 
> The government also launched an ambitious two year education 
> debate (Constituente Escolar), to refound the school system on 
> democratic and quality system. Unfortunately, the teachers' union
> has so far boycotted the debate, in support of its wage demands.
> 
> Agriculture
> 
> Few in government are happy with their progress in the field of 
> land reform. "This is a very conflictive area," says Nelsis. "But
> this isn't the only reason why we've falled behind. The 
> government's land reform secretariat is staffed by comrades from 
> the Landless Movement (MST). But they had low adminstrative 
> experience."
> 
> Nevertheless, Rio Grande do Sul does at least have an agrarian 
> reform programme, after ten years of complete government 
> inactivity. The government has allocated R$43m for land reform, 
> including R$28m to buy land (which is quite cheap now, because of
> the agricultural crisis). But Nelsis is careful to warn that "the
> government can't substitute for generalised social struggle, 
> around questions of land, salary and so on. The basic force for 
> transformation is the social movement. We can make the public 
> administrative system receptive to this pressure. But we can't do
> it all on behalf of the movements."
> 
> The new PT administration was never going to be able to solve the
> landless problem. Only the federal state has the authority to 
> confiscate and reallocate land. And the balance of forces in Rio 
> Grande doesn't allow the government to m
> 
> 
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