http://www.columbia.edu/cu/iraas/alongthecolorline

Along the Color Line

March 2000

America: Toward a Police State?

By Manning Marable <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

For more than one year, the controversy surrounding the
murder of Amadou Diallo had made headlines throughout the
world. Everyone knows about the unarmed African immigrant
who was fired on 41 times as he stood in the vestibule of
his Bronx apartment building. The police officers, all white
and wearing street clothes, fired on Diallo and striking him
19 times. Weeks ago, when black New Yorkers heard that the
cops were acquitted on all charges for Diallo's death,
thousands returned to the streets to protest.

We were outraged not only because this use of deadly force
was not justified, but that every stage of the handling of
the Diallo case was compromised and undercut by racism. The
fact that Diallo had no criminal record, and was committing
no crime, was found to be irrelevant. The accused cops took
full advantage of New York City's 48 hour gag rule, giving
officers involved in shootings two full days to coordinate
their stories to the district attorneys' office. The Diallo
trial was moved from New York City to Albany to ensure that
potential jurors would be more sympathetic with the police.
In short, "justice" was thrown out the window, and the
killer cops remained at large.

As disturbing as the Diallo case was, an equally serious
example of police brutality has received much less
publicity, but may have greater political significance. Less
than one year ago in Louisville, Kentucky, an 18 year old
black man, Desmond Rudolph, was confronted by two white
police officers, Chris Horn and Paul Kinkade, as he was
reportedly stealing a sport utility vehicle. The officers
fired twenty-two times. Ten bullets pierced Rudolph's body,
with six shots exploding in his head. Several months later,
a criminal investigation cleared the policemen.

However, Rudolph's killing fit a longtime pattern of racial
harassment and intimidation, which the black community has
experienced in Louisville for decades. According to State
Representative Paul Bather, who represents much of
Louisville's black community, there have been nearly 60
misconduct claims filed against Louisville's police
department since 1986, amounting to $3.3 million in total
damages.

When Louisville Mayor Dave Armstrong was informed that
Officers Horn and Kinkade were among a group of officers to
be given honors for valor at an annual police awards
banquet, he demanded answers from Chief of Police Eugene
Sherrard. Armstrong subsequently fired the police chief,
complaining publicly that "a culture" inside the department
urgently needed to be changed. "This culture only adds to
the hostility of minorities who feel they are treated by the
police as second-class citizens, without respect," Armstrong
stated.

The bizarre response by the Louisville police was
reminiscent of the behavior of police in Chile back in 1973,
who actively conspired to overthrow civilian authority.
Within minutes of Sherrard's dismissal, hundreds of cops
dropped everything, and drove to Louisville's police
headquarters. In protest, nine police commanders promptly
resigned their commands. Hundreds of police and their
supporters held a mass demonstration at Jefferson Square in
central Louisville on March 17, to demand that the mayor
resign instead.

As reported in USA Today, longtime Louisville social justice
activist Anne Braden characterized these events as a sort of
"military coup. If the president fires the chief of staff of
the Army, the Army does not march on the White House."

Maybe not, in ordinary times. But we no longer live in
ordinary times.

The construction of a vast prison-industrial complex and the
enlargement of private security forces throughout the U.S.
have created the preconditions for a politically active,
ideologically motivated national police apparatus. Thousands
of cops no longer believe that they can leave "justice" to
the courts. Many thousands more doubt the capacity or will
of most elected officials to curb street crimes. Thus the
executions of Diallo, and hundreds of other black, brown and
poor people represent a kind of political statement, about
how the oppressed should be governed within a capitalist
society.

Consider the fact that there are now roughly 600,000 police
officers, 350,000 prison guards and 1.5 million private
security guards. There are about 30,000 heavily armed,
paramilitary "SWAT" (Special Weapons and Tactics) teams
currently operating in the U.S. The police who killed Diallo
were members of New York's Street Crimes Unit, which carried
out thousands of stop-and-frisk operations throughout the
city. Only two months ago, the New York Police Department
initiated a new $24 million effort called "Operation
Condor," assigning 500 extra plainclothes and uniformed
officers to various "sting" and surveillance operations,
especially in poor and minority neighborhoods. It was one of
these "undercover," plainclothes police teams on March 16 in
New York City that confronted, shot and killed yet another
unarmed black man, Patrick Dorismond.

It is also instructive, and disturbing, that these
widespread examples of police deadly force and the disregard
for citizens' Constitutional rights is not opposed by a
significant number of white Americans. For example, in the
wake of Dorismond's killing, New York Mayor Rudolph
Giuliani, currently campaigning for a U.S. Senate seat, made
callous remarks about the dead black man. Giuliani illegally
disclosed Dorismond's sealed juvenile records, and refused
to extend condolences to the deceased's family. All blacks,
Latinos and even most whites living in New York City were
appalled by Giuliani's racist behavior. Yet according to
polls, only 28 percent of upstate New Yorkers and 34 percent
of suburban voters disagreed with Giuliani's handling of
this situation. Two-thirds of upstate New Yorkers even said
that Giuliani should not have to express remorse to
Dorismond's family.

In effect, millions of white middle and upper class people
have made the cold calculation that a certain level of
unjustified killings of blacks, Latinos and poor people, is
necessary to maintain public order. Yet inevitably they will
discover, much to their regret, that when the police and
security forces are given a license to kill, that they will
not stop at the boundaries of the black community.


Dr. Manning Marable is Professor of History and Political
Science and the Director of the Institute for Research in
African-American Studies at Columbia University. Beginning
January 2000, Dr. Marable will write two columns monthly on
issues of the day. "Along the Color Line" is distributed
free of charge and appears in over 325 publications
throughout the U.S. and internationally.

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