----- Original Message ----- 
From: Konstantin Kilibarda <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: STOP NATO! <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Friday, April 21, 2000 12:17 AM
Subject: [STOPNATO] Naomi Klein on A16


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-----Original Message-----
From: Alex LoCascio [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
Sent: Thursday, April 20, 2000 7:54 AM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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Subject: [a16-international-planning] Naomi Klein on A16


Victory!
The World Bank and the IMF were shaken to their very core
NAOMI KLEIN
Wednesday, April 19, 2000


I admit it: I slept in.


I went to Washington, D.C., for the protests against the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund, but when my cellphone rang at some ungodly hour
with word that the new plan was to meet at 4 a.m. Monday morning, I just
couldn't do it.


"Okay, meet you there," I mumbled, scribbling street intersections with a
pen that had run out of ink. There was absolutely no way. Bone tired after
13 hours on the streets the day before, I decided to catch up with the demos
at a more civilized hour. And so, it seems, did a few thousand other people,
allowing the World Bank delegates, bussed in before dawn, to get to their
meeting in bleary-eyed peace.


"A defeat!" many of the newspapers pronounced, eager to put this outbreak of
messy democracy behind them and concentrate on more newsworthy subjects:
Oprah's new magazine, for instance, and the fortunes of Pets.com.


Canadian expat-in-Washington David Frum couldn't get to his computer fast
enough, declaring the protests "a flop," "a disaster" and, for good measure,
"a flat souffl." In Mr. Frum's estimation, the activists were so
discouraged by their inability to shut down the IMF meeting on Sunday that
they took to their beds the next day rather than brave the rainy streets.


Ahhh, the desperate cries of a man waking up -- no matter how early in the
morning -- to the realization that history is passing him by.


It's true it was tough to drag butt out of bed on Monday, but not because of
the rain or the scary cops. It was tough because, by then, so much had
already been accomplished in a single week of protests. Shutting down a
meeting is good activist bragging rights, no doubt, but the real victories
happen around those dramatic moments.


The first sign of victory came in the weeks before the protest, with a rush
among former World Bank and IMF officials to come out on the side of the
critics and renounce their former employers. Most notably, former World Bank
chief economist Joseph Stiglitz said the IMF was in desperate need of a
large dose of democracy and transparency.


Next, a corporation gave in. The protest organizers had announced that they
would take their calls for "fair trade" as opposed to "free trade" to the
doorstep of the Starbucks coffee chain, demanding that it sell coffee grown
by farmers who are paid a living wage. Last week, only four days before the
planned protest, Starbucks announced it would carry a line of fair-trade
certified coffee.


And, finally, the protesters defined the terms of debate. Before the
papier-mch was dry on the giant puppets, the failures of many World
Bank-financed mega-projects and IMF bailouts were outlined in newspapers and
radio talk shows. More than that, the critique of "capitalism" just saw a
comeback of Santana-like proportions.
The radical anarchist contingent The Black Bloc renamed itself the
Anti-Capitalist Bloc. College students wrote in chalk on the sidewalks: "If
you think the IMF and World Bank are scary, wait until you hear about
Capitalism." The frat boys at American University responded with their own
slogans, written on placards and hung in their windows: "Capitalism brought
you prosperity. Embrace it!"


Even the Sunday pundits on CNN started saying the word "capitalism" instead
of just "the economy." And the word makes not one but two appearances on the
cover of yesterday's New York Times. After more than a decade of unchecked
triumphalism, capitalism (as opposed to euphemisms such as "globalization,"
"corporate rule" or "the growing gap between rich and poor") has re-emerged
as a legitimate subject of public debate. This kind of impact is so
significant that it makes the disruption of a routine World Bank meeting
seem almost beside the point. Sure, the delegates won a tactical victory by
making it to their meeting. But having to wake up at 4 a.m. and sneak under
cover of darkness and police escort is itself a profound public-relations
defeat for an organization whose president, James Wolfensohn, says he comes
to work every day "thinking I'm doing God's work."


Besides, the protesters may have been kept from disrupting the meeting by
police barricades, but rarely have barricades been less effective: The World
Bank and the IMF, though protected physically with astonishing force and
brutality, were shaken to their very core.


The agenda of the World Bank meeting, and the press conference that
followed, was hijacked utterly. The usual talk of deregulation,
privatization and the need to "discipline" Third World markets was
supplanted by commitments to speed up debt relief for impoverished nations
and spend "unlimited" sums on the African AIDS crisis.


Of course, this is only the beginning of a long process. But if there is a
lesson of Washington, it is that a barricade can be stormed in spirit, as
well as in body. And Monday's sleep-in wasn't the nap of the defeated, it
was the well-deserved rest of the victorious.

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