SINN FEIN NEWS > IRISH NEWS ROUND-UP > http://irlnet.com/rmlist/ > > Thursday-Saturday, 4-6 May, 2000 > > > 1. IMPASSE BROKEN > > * IRA initiative ends arms deadlock > * Govts. commit to full implementation of GFA > * Unionists express doubts > * 'A victory within our grasp' - Adams > > 2. Death of Kieran Nugent > 3. Protest fines to be appealed > 4. Sands mural unveiled > 5. Feature: Nothing could ever come close to them > 6. Analysis: Report confirms SDLP is in crisis > > > ----------------------------------------------------------------- > > > Hopes for the peace process have soared this weekend following an > extraordinary IRA statement to end the deadlock over the issue of > IRA arms. An unprecendented commitment to allow independent > monitoring of its arms dumps to verify that its weapons are > securely stored and beyond use has cleared the way for the > re-establishment of the North's power-sharing institutions. > > In return, the two governments have given fresh commitments to > fully implement the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which had started > to unravel following the British government's suspension of the > new institututions two months ago. > > In a most hopeful sign, David Trimble's Ulster Unionist Party > appears to be moving slowly towards acceptance of the > governments' proposals. The party's ruling council will consider > it and the IRA's offer at a special meeting in two weeks' > time. > > Sinn Fein's chief negotiator Martin McGuinness said the North > could now prepare for a new future. "I believe we have cracked > the nut," he said. > > The scale of the IRA's initiative was unquestionable. "I think it > is absolutely huge. I think it is massive," he said. > > The IRA had gone a "mighty step forward" and had made "a very > powerful contribution". > > He acknowledged the move could cause great difficulties for some > republicans, but that it was the way to bring about change and > move forward. He paid tribute to the leadership of the IRA and > its Volunteers, who were showing themselves willing to enhance > the peace process. > > MOVING FORWARD > > Mr McGuinness told BBC television that the hoped the British > government would shortly announce the details of its commitments > to deal with equality, justice, human rights, the Irish language, > demilitarisation and the full implementation of the Patten report > on policing. > > He said: "Things are changing. We are moving forward, hopefully > to new times and there is a real opportunity now for politicians > -- unionist, loyalist, nationalist and republican -- to build a > new future for all our people. I think we are going to get > there." > > In the US, President Bill Clinton spoke to Sinn Fein leader Gerry > Adams by phone on Saturday and praised the IRA for reaching out > to unionists. > > He said: "This is a very good day. The unionists still have to > finally accept it but this idea of stowing the weapons and having > the storage sites monitored I think is a way for both of them to > achieve their previously stated aims." > > Irish Prime Minister, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said he believed the > IRA's statement gave the clarity needed to progress. > > He said: "I think it has all the clarity that people have looked > for this past 12 months. Of course there are lots of other issues > in the peace process, which we have to continue to build on and > build confidence on." > > Attention is now focussing on the leadership of the Ulster > Unionist Party, who face a critical and conclusive test of their > commitment to the peace process. While internal party > discussions take place, the Ulster Unionists have said they are > seeking an early meeting with the two independent arms inspectors > -- Cyril Ramaphosa, a former general secretary of the ANC > (African National Congress) and former Finnish president Martti > Ahtisaari. > > Senior unionist officials have expressed the belief that the deal > can win the support for the UUP's ruling council for the > restoration of the North's power-sharing Executive and Assembly. > > CAUTIOUS WELCOME > > But the unionist vote, expected to be on May 20, is likely to be > close. > > Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble gave the IRA statement > a cautious welcome, but said there were areas which still needed > clarification, particularly on the interpretation of what was > understood by secure. > > Speaking outside a meeting of the Ulster Unionist Assembly Group > at Stormont he said he felt the statement was very interesting > and contained "some quite positive elements". > > The UUP's position on the statement would, he said, take several > days to be "clarified". He insisted that the IRA's move to put > its arms beyond use should be verifiable, permanent, complete, > and final. > > He told BBC'1s Breakfast with Frost: "I would caution people > against throwing their caps into the air. > > "We have to explore just exactly what is meant by this inspection > process, how it's going to be conducted, what procedures are > going to be adopted to ensure that guns have remained secure. > > "Then we want to ensure that this form of the process of > inspection is part of an overall process leading to full and > complete decommissioning and that when the IRA say that they will > put their guns beyond use completely and verifiably, it is > complete, it is verifiable, that they are permanently completely > finally beyond use. > > "We expect that to be a process. We know it will take some time > but we need to be sure that is what's happening. > > "I hope they've crossed that rubicon." > > Trimble's leading opponent in the badly divided party, Jeffrey > Donaldson, said the latest IRA statement should not change party > policy. He insisted weapons should be "handed in". > > "What we have got in this statement isn't disarmament... We > should not go back into government when not one single bullet has > been handed in," he said. > > The deputy leader of the anti-agreement Democratic Unionist Party > Peter Robinson went further - he said that to legally satisfy the > requirement for decommissioning, the IRA's guns must actually be > destroyed. > > One unionist ally, Conservative leader William Hague expressed > doubts and distrust. > > "We have to see the evidence, we have to see the evidence that > weapons will actually be put genuinely beyond use," he said. > > Saturday's breakthrough on arms came despite the leaking of a > British government document apparently intended to damage the > delicate talks. The leaked memo recorded in starkly prejudicial > terms a discussion between Britain's Peter Mandelson and Irish > Minister for Foreign Affairs Brian Cowen. > > The briefing note, taken by a senior civil servant at a recent > meeting between the two men in Dublin, stated: "Cowen's line > appeared to be that, beyond the constitutional acceptance that > Northern Ireland remained part of the UK, there should be no > further evidence of Britishness in the governance of Northern > Ireland. > > "It was an argument presented with all the subtlety and > open-mindedness that one would expect from a member of Sinn > Fein." > > In London, meanwhile, there are indications that unionists are > seeking to negotiate a better deal by watering down the > recommendations of the Patten Commission on policing reform. > Reports indicate they are demanding that the name of the existing > overwhelmingly Protestant RUC police be incorporated into the > name of the new force, a move which would be unacceptable to > nationalists. > > Last month, unionists made it party policy for the RUC's name to > be retained as part of any move to return to government with Sinn > Fein, creating another stumbling block in the next two weeks. > > Speaking at the end of a week of intense negotiations, Sinn Fein > President Gerry Adams praised his negotiating team and called on > everyone to support the initiative. > > "It is now time to stand up for and defend the Good Friday > Agreement, irrespective of our background or political > allegiance, to confront the rejectionists and to become real > partners in this peace process. > > "I would urge all of those who voted 'yes' in the referendum in > May 1998 to rally behind this initiative, support those political > leaders and parties who are striving for a new and better future > for our children, and give it a fair wind in the time ahead. > > "This peace process is a struggle between justice and injustice, > between the past and the future. We have it within our grasp to > make it a victory for justice, a victory for equality, a victory > for democracy, and a victory for the people of this island." > > > ----------------------------------------------------------------- > > >>>>>> Death of Kieran Nugent > > > The death of the first blanket man Kieran Nugent stunned > republicans on the eve of the 19th anniversary of the death of > hunger-striker Bobby Sands. > > He led the way in the prison struggle for political status > against the criminalisation policy of Margaret Thatcher by > refusing to wear a convict's uniform. > > He is widely remembered for stating that the only way the > authorities could make him wear the uniform was to "nail it" to > his body. > > Republican leaders have paid tribute to Mr Nugent. > > Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams said the news of Mr Nugent's > death has caused "great shock and regret" in the republican > community. > > "Kieran Nugent was the first republican prisoner who refused to > accept being branded a criminal by the British government," he > said. > > "He led the protest against the policy of criminalism by refusing > to wear a prison uniform. He was the first 'blanketman'. > > "He will be especially remembered by republican ex-POWs for his > leadership inside the prison at that difficult time." > > After once again shouldering the coffin of the heroic IRA > Volunteer at his funeral today [Sunday], Mr Adams said: "Kieran's > death comes at a very poignant point in our history. > > "The day he died was the 19th anniversary of the death of Bobby > Sands, the first hunger striker to die, and it comes at a time > when the IRA has made a significant contribution to the peace > process. > > "Kieran was an extraordinary human being who rose to the > challenge of a very difficult time in his own life and in the > republican struggle." > > Brendan 'Bik' McFarlane, the IRA O.C. during the hunger strikes, > said Mr Nugent had been "a tower of strength". > > "He set a tremendous example to many other prisoners, > particularly younger prisoners. > > "He set a trend for resistance in the prisons. He was alone in > his cell for a year or more, and suffered physical abuse as well. > > "He was denied everything, every creature comfort. > > "He never yielded and he never bowed. He was a tower of strength. > He was a rock." > > Mr McFarlane said he first met Mr Nugent in 1978, and after his > release he had travelled widely. > > "He went to the United States and Europe to give talks and > seminars." > > "Kieran played a significant part and people need to look at that > and focus on the stand that he took," he said. > > > ----------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Protest fines to be appealed > > > Leading republicans last night vowed to appeal their convictions > over a protest during an Apprentice Boys parade in south Belfast. > > The convictions were secured even though the magistrate in the > case admitted there had been a serious breach by the RUC of the > code of practice, and he could not rule out collusion. > > Six people, including Sinn Fein councillors Sue Ramsey, Michael > Ferguson and Gerard Rice of the Lower Ormeau Concern Community > (LOCC), were fined #75 for obstructing the Ormeau Road during a > demonstration against a march last August 14. > > Several other people, including Sinn Fein councillor Sean Hayes > were acquitted at Belfast magistrates court after magistrate Mark > Hamill cast doubt on the identification evidence. > > "I find it impossible to exclude the possibility of collusion, > and I find there has been a serious and substantial breach of the > code of practice, " Mr Hamill said. > > Sinn Fein councillor Michael Ferguson defended his participation > in the protest and vowed to be "on the Ormeau Road again this > year". > > Local residents' spokesman, Gerard Rice, last night described the > convictions as"a farce" and confirmed an appeal has been lodged. > > > ----------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Sands mural unveiled > > > One of the Falls Road's most famous landmarks was given back its > pride of place yesterday - on the gable wall of Sinn Fein's new > offices. > > Fears that the mural of hunger striker Bobby Sands would be lost > when the old advice centre was torn down were dispelled with the > unveiling of a new mural, painstakingly restored and replicated > to its original image by artist Danny Devenney. > > As hundreds gathered for the official opening at the corner of > Falls Road and Sevastopol Street, a memorial plaque was also > unveiled to three men shot dead in the old offices in 1993. > > Advice centre workers Paddy Loughran (61) and Pat McBride (40) > and 21-year-old Michael O'Dwyer, a visitor to the centre, were > gunned down by off-duty RUC officer Allen Moore who later turned > the gun on himself. > > Paddy Loughran's wife Barbara said the tribute was fitting to the > memory of her husband and the others who were killed that day. > > "This is one of the greatest days for me since he died but it > also brings back the pain. But it is a really nice and fitting > tribute." > > Meanwhile, the centre, which was officially opened by Sinn Fein > Vice President Joe Cahill, was heralded as a testament to the > growth of Sinn Fein as he reflected on the history of the site. > > "We remember with pride the old building that was here - it shows > the progress of Sinn Fein. We are on the march and making the way > forward. It is a fitting tribute of where we are today." > > And as the former IRA chief-of-staff remembered the three people > who were murdered in the premises, he also paid tribute to the > memory of IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands who died 19 years ago on > Friday. > > "It was sad that one of the most famous landmarks in Belfast was > pulled down, but it's also great to see the job they have done in > replacing it. It will be a centre of attraction for tourists in > the future," Mr Cahill said. > > The complex includes a gift shop, Sinn Fein's Six-County offices, > constituency offices and press offices. > > > ----------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Feature: Nothing could ever come close to them > > > ------------------------------------------------------------ > In the latest article of a series on the 1980 and 1981 hunger > strikes, Eoin O Broin talks to former hunger strikers Mary Doyle > and Laurence McKeown about their time in jail and personal > reflections on the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes. > ------------------------------------------------------------ > > > Belfast women Mary Doyle was first sentenced to Armagh jail in > March 1974, where she spent two years as a political prisoner. He > life was like that of prisoners of war the world over, operating > in jail much as she would have done on the outside, as a solder > in a time of war. > > In September 1977, she was rearrested and returned to jail. She > recalls: "The screws took great delight in telling me that that I > was no longer a political prisoner and that I was just an > 'ordinary criminal.'' As the women never had to wear prison > uniforms, their protest was against prison work, until they > joined the no wash protest in February 1980. > > Throughout that year, their conditions deteriorated, and as they > heard that the male prisoners in Long Kesh were considering a > hunger strike, they too were keen to play their part. "Initially, > the movement didn't want the women to take part, but we had very > strong ideas about that. We were determined that we would take > part." > > Like most of the other prisoners who volunteered, Mary's first > thoughts were with her father, her mother having been killed by > loyalists a number of years earlier. "My daddy had been through a > terrible lot, and he wasn't in the best of health. I knew that > the hunger strike would take a lot out of him." Nonetheless, she > volunteered and was chosen to join the others after the 50th day. > > Along with Mairead Farrell and Mairead Nugent, Mary experienced > the hunger strike with a mixture of pessimism and optimism. Days > were spent dreaming about the big meals they would love to eat, > mixed with conversations about whether they believed in God and > an afterlife. The overriding concern was never for themselves, > but on how long they could go, and whether they would last 50 > days, or 60 days. Most of their time was spent writing -- to other > prisoners, to friends and strangers, writing to just about anyone > who they thought could help in the battle for political status. > > Mary takes up her story as the hunger strike was coming to a > close: "We heard about it on the radio on the evening of 18 > December. The radio we had smuggled in was low on batteries, so > we only put it on for the news, we were waiting to hear about > Sean McKenna. Then we heard that the hunger strike was called > off. The three of us just looked at each other and said, 'Did I > hear that right?' So we couldn't wait for the following news to > make sure." It was not until the following afternoon that the > Armagh OC, Sile Darragh, received official word that the strike > was over and informed the women accordingly. > > What followed was more confusing than the ending itself. "We were > kept in the hospital wing for a few more days until we were > transferred. And in the meantime, we had been given a copy of the > document. It is hard to describe what I felt like when I read it. > As the days went on, the Brits were coming out with this stuff > that we had backed down; it was all very confusing. We were angry > and frustrated, and then we knew that the Brits had reneged." > > Thinking back on it now, 19 years later, Mary feels like it all > happened just last week. "It doesn't seem like such a long time > ago. It could have happened the other week. And I am still > overwhelmed with pride to have been part of that era. So much has > happened and come out of that period for everyone in Ireland. And > I only hope that people realise the sacrifice that those people > made and how much has come of it. I am just so full of pride and > admiration for the men who gave their lives in 1981. Nothing > could ever come close to them." > > > > ORDINARY PEOPLE IN EXTRAORDINARY TIMES > > > > Laurence McKeown was sentenced to life imprisonment following the > withdrawal of political status in 1976. From 1977 through to > 1980, he took part in the Blanket and No-Wash protests. Like many > of his comrades, the idea of a hunger strike was a constant > talking point, because as he points out, "political status was > first won by hunger strike", and so it was felt that it could be > regained by the same methods. > > "I have often said to people that you can only understand the > Hunger Strike by looking at the four years which preceded them, > and the conditions the prisoners were living in," says McKeown. > "The beatings and torture, the degrading searches and treatment > by the prison regime, no education, no exercise, and most > importantly the ongoing attempts both within the jail and on the > outside the criminalise the prisoners and their struggle, created > the context within which the prisoners felt they had only one > tactic left to use." > > Although McKeown volunteered to join the 1980 hunger strike, he > spent most of the winter of that year involved in the letter > writing campaign. "I don't think the screw's realised the sheer > volume of letters going in and out. Information went out in the > morning, we had a reply by the afternoon and more information out > again by tea time." > > On the 50th day, Lawrence joined Brendan Hughes and the six other > hunger strikers. By that time, however, Sean McKenna was reaching > a critical point. "At that stage, we didn't really know how long > a hunger strike could last. We weren't really hearing a lot at > the time, except for the fact that Bobby was getting a lot of > access, which indicated that they must be working on something," > he recalls. > > However the optimism slowly turned to frustration and then > desperation as it became clear that the British government were > walking away from the deal they offered to end the hunger strike. > McKeown felt a mixture of relief, confusion and uncertainty after > the strike had ended. There was the appearance of movement and an > air of change within the prison, until finally the prisoners > realised that it was all a ploy and their situation was not about > to change. "This was definitely the worst period I ever had in > jail. There was just total uncertainty about what was going to > happen. The start of January was a totally bleak period." > > And then it was decided to begin a second hunger strike. "I was > delighted," says McKeown, "but at the same time I knew that this > time round things would be different, it was clear that this time > we knew that people would die." > > McKeown joined the second hunger strike on 29 June 1981. By that > stage, Bobby Sands, Joe McDonnell, Raymond McCreesh and Patsy > O'Hara had all died. "The first significant thing I remember > happening was when the Irish Commission for Justice and Peace > came in," he says. "That was two days of slog going through > them." Despite the years which have passed, Mckeown's > disappointment and anger at the commission is still clear. "It > was a very inglorious period in their dealings. Either they were > politically naive and thought they had something they didn't, or > they just wanted to end the hunger strike with kudos for the > Catholic Church and the SDLP." > > His more lasting memories, however, are of the strength and > determination of fellow hunger strikers. "I remember Joe > McDonnell coming into a room, and if I hadn't of known that he > was the one missing from the room I wouldn't have recognised him. > But you couldn't judge by appearances, because he was like a > physically disabled person, but when he spoke, you recognised his > voice and it was the same old Joe, concerned about everyone else, > despite his own health." > > Without question, the most difficult part of the hunger strike > for Laurence was the impact it had on his family. His father, who > hadn't seen him for four years, first came to see him in prison > during the strike and was at a loss for words. His mother, who > supported him throughout and never asked him to come off the > strike, nonetheless made her own feelings clear. "It was on my > 68th day and one of the last things I remember was my mother > saying to me that she knew what I had to do and she knew what she > had to do." And so, when Lawrence fell unconscious after 70 days, > his mother intervened and saved his life. > > > > After several days in Belfast's Royal Victoria Hospital, McKeown > returned to Long Kesh for the last days of the hunger strike. "By > the time 10 people had died, nobody had a strong argument to say > that we should continue with the protest. The whole momentum > turned on the families and there wasn't any talk about the Brits > giving in." > > When asked about his most abiding memory of the period, McKeown's > thoughts turn to the 10 friends who gave their lives for his > right to be recognised as a political prisoner. "The most > striking thing is how ordinary and normal they were. I remember > when Bobby became OC (Officer in Command), he didn't really fit > the bill, because he was too much like one of the boys. Yet he > knew exactly what to do, he was a person of the moment and knew > his destiny, and we saw later that he was a leader." McKeown > moves from the joyful memories of craic had on the Blocks to the > tragedies of young men's lives cut down in their prime. His > interview drew no conclusions nor did it make any final remarks, > as the hunger strike is not yet part of history; it is part of > his living memory and the memory of all those who were a part of > those dramatic and powerful times. > > > ----------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Analysis: Report confirms SDLP is in crisis > > > ---------------------------------------------------------------- > The leaked report into an obsolete, tired and leadership-driven > party is a public acknowledgement that the SDLP has no vision for > Ireland, writes Caitlin Doherty > ---------------------------------------------------------------- > > > Last week's leaked internal SDLP document has revealed what many > already know: it confirmed that the party is an obsolete, tired > machine out of touch with its grass roots and failing to attract > new members. The most interesting conclusions of the leaked > internal diagnostic, however, slipped between the headlines. > > For the first time in 30 years, members of the party and > supporters publicly acknowledged that the political formation > that describes itself as the largest nationalist party of "the > province" has no vision for Ireland. By referring exclusively to > politics in the context of the Six Counties, the report confirms > that the SDLP's entire philosophy and ethos stops at the border. > > The very fact that the report ignores the rest of the island > shows that the SDLP's priority is to defend its narrow > self-interest on a partitionist platform. > > The report is also an indictment of how the party has abandoned > (and is encouraged to further sacrifice) what is left of its > founding ethos and philosophy in terms of nationalist objectives > on the altar of short-term electoral gain. > > The report also advocates a shift to encourage unionist support. > It recommends the leadership act to attract middle-class unionist > voters by winning over the hearts and minds of Alliance voters. > > By recommending changes to attract more unionist votes, the party > is encouraged to isolate and demonise Sinn Fein. > > The implications of such recommendations are far-reaching. If the > SDLP goes ahead with a unionist-vote-winning strategy, it will be > forced to abandon the idea that politics without republicans is > going nowhere. In short, the SDLP could join the camp of those > who refuse to acknowledge and respect Sinn Fein's democratic > mandate. > > In attempting to counter Sinn Fein's electoral success, the SDLP > is, ironically, urged not to rock the boat regarding the survival > of the union. Such recommendations contradict the image the SDLP > is currently attempting to convey. They run against the basic > ethos of nationalism in the North and South of the island. > > If the report shows anything, it is that the SDLP has totally > lost its nationalist and socialist ethos to become a party driven > by electoral opportunism. Whatever changes are made in the coming > months, it is clear that without a radical re-thinking of its > raison d'etre, the party will continue to evolve as the defender > of the status quo and offer no more to nationalists than Alliance > or the Ulster Unionists. > > This report reveals a party lacking the will to defend the cause > of Irish unity, a party in crisis, a party that gives the strong > impression that it is no longer really interested. > > > > > > > > > c. RM Distribution and others. Articles may be reprinted with credit. > > =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= > RM Distribution > Irish Republican News and Information > http://irlnet.com/rmlist/ > > PO Box 160, Galway, Ireland Phone/Fax: (353)1-6335113 > PO Box 8630, Austin TX 78713, USA mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] > > =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= > > > RMD1000507164503p2 >
