Sin Fein News > IRISH NEWS ROUND-UP > http://irlnet.com/rmlist/ > > Bank Holiday Weekend, 3-5 June, 2000 > > > 1. REPUBLICAN ELECTED MAYOR OF DERRY > 2. Police Bill threatens peace process > 3. Loyalist terror in Ballynahinch > 4. Assembly resumes to debate dogs, flags > 5. Mixed reaction to British Army moves > 6. Dublin urged to move on cross-border representation > 7. The shame of the Irish slumlords > 8. Feature: Long Kesh - Museum of Irish Freedom? > 9. Analysis: The policing slate needs to be wiped clean > > ------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > >>>>>> REPUBLICAN ELECTED MAYOR OF DERRY > > > Sinn Fein's Cathal Crumley become the first ever Sinn Fein mayor > of Derry, the first Sinn Fein mayor of a major irish city since > 1920. > > Huge crowds attended the city's Guildhall to watch Mr Crumley > defeat unionist nominee, Ernie Hamilton by 21 votes to eight to > secure a historic victory. He is the first Sinn Fein mayor since > the death of Terence MacSwiney - following a hunger strike - in > Cork in 1920. > > Ulster Unionist and outgoing deputy mayor, Mr Hamilton was > returned for a second term as deputy with the unanimous support > of council. Derry councillors abandoned normal procedure last > night to permit the huge crowds which attended the city's > Guildhall access to the council chamber. > > A former prisoner of war and a blanket protestor at Long kesh > jail, Mr Crumley last night pledged to be mayor for all the > people of Derry. > > In a miscarriage of justice, Mr Crumley, a father of three, was > convicted on the evidence of so-called Derry 'supergrasses' in > May 1984 and received nine life sentences and an additional 300 > years in jail. However, all the convictions were quashed, and Mr > Crumley was released from prison in 1986. > > When the result of the vote was announced last night, the new > mayor received a standing and prolonged ovation. > > Education minister, Martin McGuinness - who was accompanied by > party chairman Mitchel McLaughlin - said Mr Crumley's success was > a "great night" for Derry. > > In his acceptance speech, Mr Crumley said his election as mayor > closed a long and painful period. He said his election closed the > door on the politics of exclusion. > > "The failed politics of exclusion end tonight and I can assure > you that during my term of office no-one will be denied their > rights. I will be open impartial, fair and pragmatic. > > "I offer the hand of friendship to the unionist community and > trust they will have the maturity to react in a reciprocal > fashion for the betterment of this city," he said. > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Police Bill threatens peace process > > > Any dilution of the Patten reforms on policing could have serious > consequences for the peace process, Sinn Fein Vice President Pat > Doherty said today. > > "Policing is a fundamental touchstone issue for nationalist and > republican people," said Mr Doherty. "It is very, very serious. > > "We need a new policing service. We were promised that in the > Good Friday Agreement and it must be delivered." > > Secretary of State Peter Mandelson is preparing to put the Police > Bill to the British parliament today (Tuesday). At stake is > support for the new police service and for the peace process > itself. Nationalists are insisting on complete implementation of > the plan presented last October by former Hong Kong governor > Chris Patten. > > To rescue the Good Friday Agreement from a two-year deadlock over > arms, the IRA last month made an unprecedented offer to let its > arms dumps be monitored by international inspectors. But that > will be at risk if Britain's reciprocal commitment to implement > Patten is not acted upon. > > There are also signs that the continuing failure to implement the > Good Friday Agreement may be encouraging dissident republican > micro-groups. An explosion at London's Hammersmith bridge was > claimed on Friday on behalf of the so-called "Continuity IRA". > Hoax bomb warnings also led to the evacuation of the Bishopsgate > financial district and Liverpool Street rail station. > > Mr Doherty said both the British and Irish governments, but > particularly the British, had agreed to the full implementation > of Patten as part of the Good Friday Agreement at Hillsborough > Castle outside Belfast on May 5. > > "As far as Sinn Fein is concerned Patten doesn't go far enough > but it represents a beginning. Any dilution to Patten is clearly > unacceptable," he said. > > "There isn't a single nationalist out there who hasn't had a > horror story with the RUC." > > Unprecedented pressure at home and abroad is insisting on the > creation of a new policing service free from the tainted history > of the RUC. A broad spectrum of interests are opposed to the > Police Bill in its current form, including the SDLP, the Catholic > church, the Human Rights Commission, the Irish government, the > White House, community groups and a number of Westminster MPs. > > Sinn Fein and the SDLP have both put forward detailed papers, > pointing out some 75 changes where the Police Bill contradicts > Patten. > > Accountability and oversight of the police are key issues. > In particular, nationalists want the new 19-strong ruling Police > Board, which will include 10 politicians as members, and the > Ombudsman to have their powers as set out by Patten. > > Nationalists are also outraged at the existing reference in the > Bill which says that "the body of constables heretofore known as > the Royal Ulster Constabulary shall continue in being as the > police service". It was a fundamental understanding that there > would be a policing service to which both communities could give > their allegiance, and a reformed RUC as is being proposed will > not win nationalist support. > > Ulster Unionists are meanwhile expecting the Bill be amended to > explicitly incorporate the term "RUC" in the title of the > proposed police service. The Bill currently contains no > guarantee there will be any new name or symbols for the police > service, that decision to rest with the Secretary of State. > > CHERRY-PICKED > > A US-based member of the Patten Commission has accused the > British government of "gutting" the report on policing in the > North. > > Gerald Lynch, president of John Jay College of Criminal Justice > in New York, said that the Policing Bill represents a > cherry-picking of the Patten Report. > > "All of the 175 recommendations in the Patten Report should be > implemented. It should not be cherry-picked or gutted as is > happening in the Policing Bill," Lynch said. > > "I am concerned at the diluting of the powers of the Ombudsman, > the weakening of the Police Board and its powers and with any > attempt to change the name of the new police service back to some > rendition of the RUC", Lynch said. > > "I am very worried that the British government is backing away > from its commitment to implement Patten. This is not the > understanding that members of the Commission thought we had." > > The Police Bill will go forward to Commons committee stage next > week, where amendments will be considered. > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Loyalist terror in Ballynahinch > > A nationalist resident of the County Down town of Ballynahinch > came within inches of serious injury when a loyalist held a > broken cider bottle to her face. "You're lucky you're a fuckin' > woman", he said as he held her by the throat. > > The incident happened last Friday, 26 May at 11.45pm, when a > drunken loyalist mob rampaged through the town. One loyalist > smashed the windscreen of the woman's car then danced on the > bonnet. > > The woman gave chase and it was at this point that she was > grabbed and threatened. She managed to break free, returned home > and called the RUC, who said they would be there, "straight > away". But as she waited, the loyalists attacked her home and put > a brick through her window. It was 25 minutes and several phone > calls later before the RUC arrived, but by this stage the > loyalists had left. > > Before they had finished dealing with this woman, the RUC had to > leave and deal with another case of sectarian harassment. > > On Sunday 28 May, about 15 loyalists armed with planks of wood > gathered in Ballynahinch. They linked up with another crowd > gathered at a pub in the town square. > > One of the gang, who was carrying a claw hammer, was on the point > of assaulting a young nationalist when they spotted the woman > whose car they attacked the previous Friday. > > This distracted the loyalists, who were afraid the woman would > recognise them and call the RUC, so they let the young > nationalist go. They warned him however that they'd be back. > > Mick Murphy, Sinn Fein Assembly member for South Down accused the > RUC of giving the loyalists, " a free run", as it took them half > an hour to arrive at the scene of the second incident. > > "These most recent incidents illustrate how the RUC is giving > loyalists a free hand in Ballynahinch," he said. "I worry that as > the marching season approaches we may see more attacks on > nationalists unless people unite to tackle this problem of > sectarianism." > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Assembly resumes to debate dogs, flags > > > > The Belfast Assembly has resumed with an uneventful debate > dealing with non-contentious issues such as departmental > finances, ground rents, and stray dogs. > > However, a motion by Ian Paisley's DUP demanding that the > British Union flag should be flown over all ministerial > departments > is expected to prove controversial on Tuesday. > > Before the Assembly started, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams said > he was glad to be back and looking forward to doing something to > help the disadvantaged in society. > > "We are pleased once again that today makes another effort to > make these institutions work and there have been three months > lost in which a lot of valuable work could have been done," he > said. > > "All sensible people will want to see these institutions > functioning not just around the big emotive issues but on the > crucially important issues which affect people's lives." > > Unionists are angered that Sinn Fein's two Ministers failed to > fly the Union Jack on Friday to mark the anniversary of the > coronation of the English Queen. > > The decision by Sinn Fein's Minister for Health Bairbre de Brun > and Minister for Education Martin McGuinness meant that no flag > flew outside the office of Britain's Secretary of State Peter > Mandelson, whose Stormont office is under de Brun's remit. > > Ian Paisley said the secretary of state could not be trusted to > defend the flying of the Union Flag as he had not objected to it > not being hoisted outside his own office. > > "Mr Mandelson is some man to defend the flying of flags on other > government buildings." > > A spokesperson for Mr Mandelson said he had no power to fly the > flag outside his office. > > "The Secretary of State is only a tenant of the department of > health and it is up to the Minister for Health to decide whether > the Union Flag is flown outside her office." > > Ulster Unionist Michael McGimpsey accused Sinn Fein of breaching > the principle of consent because unionists did not support the > decision not to fly the flag. > > But Sinn Fein Newry and Armagh assembly member Conor Murphy > pointed out that the Agreement stated flags and emblems should be > used to create an atmosphere of mutual respect, not division. > > "In order to reflect parity of esteem and the spirit of the > Agreement, if people want to provoke British cultural symbols on > a particular day then equal respect should be given to Irish > cultural symbols," he said. > > North Down assembly member Peter Weir said the decision by the > Sinn Fein ministers was predictable but neverthless an "insult". > > "It is particularly galling to many people in north Down as one > of the main buildings controlled by Martin McGuinness is Rathgael > House in Bangor," Mr Weir said. North Down is a predominately > unionist area and numerous loyalist flags and other bunting have > been erected around the Department of Education offices in > protest at the Sinn Fein Minister. > > The next designated day on which the Union Jack is flown over > British government buildings is 10 June to mark the birthday of > the Queen's husband. > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Mixed reaction to British Army moves > > > The dismantling of a British Army checkpoint at Cloghogue in > South Armagh has been dismissed as a "publicity stunt" by local > residents who have complained that a hilltop spy-tower and > surveillance devices in the area are to remain. > > Work started at the weekend on a number of military installations > scheduled for removal, but Sinn Fein said there was still "not a > credible start to demilitarisation in south Armagh". > > Since July 1997, in the region of #76 million has been spent on > refurbishing the 33 spy posts and 5 large British Army/RUC > barracks in the South Armagh area, with another two RUC barracks > recently constructed in Newry and Keady. > > Local Assembly member Conor Murphy said people in south Armagh > were "outraged" when they discovered that the base at Cloughogue > was not going to be completely demolished as first indicated. > "They want all the spy posts and bases demolished immediately." > > Toni Carragher of the South Armagh Farmers and Residents > Committee complained that virtually all of the spy equipment is > to remain. > > "What they have failed to declare is that they are not removing > the hilltop post or the numerous infra-red andsurveillance > hi-tech cameras that festoon the area. In truth local residents > are still being spied on," she said. > > She said there was a contradiction in allowing the security > forces to control the pace of demilitarisation when they have a > vested interest in maintaining South Armagh as the most > militarised area in Europe. > > The British government had failed to issue the "strategy paper" > on demilitarisation as required under the Good Friday Agreement, > she added. Britain therefore had "seriously violated the terms of > the Good Friday Agreement, resulting in the people of South > Armagh, young and old, having to endure harassment and > intimidation on a daily basis at the hands of the British Army > and RUC". > > SMALL STEPS > > It was announced at the weekend that the 500-member third > battalion of the Parachute Regiment will return to its base in > the South of England over the next three weeks as part of the > demilitarisation process. There are currently 13,500 British > soldiers in the North of Ireland. > > Sinn Fein Mid-Ulster assembly member Francie Molloy called the > move "another small step in the right direction". > > British Army workers have also begun removing surveillance > equipment and screens from the top of Maeve House in the New > Lodge area of north Belfast and Broadway Tower in west Belfast. > > A Sinn Fein councillor whose son was murdered near an army > observation post has welcomed the news that demolition work is > under way on the installation. > > North Belfast Sinn Fein councillor Bobby Lavery said the troops' > withdrawal from Maeve House was long overdue. > > Soldiers manning the post failed to detect a spate of loyalist > murders during the three decades it had been in place, leading to > the belief that soldiers in the towers were colluding with the > loyalists. > > Mr Lavery's own son, Sean, was killed in his home on the nearby > Antrim Road in August 1993 by loyalist gunmen. > > "He was shot dead in 1993, but there's never been any evidence of > who perpetrated any of the crimes." > > The Oldpark councillor, who lived on the 10th floor of Maeve > House in the 1970s, also drew attention to the problems residents > have endured over the years. > > "They have been plagued by personal harassment and turning the > lifts off," he said. > > Residents are now planning a party to mark the army post being > brought down. > > "Living with this installation at the top of these flats has been > hell on earth because we have felt like prisoners in our own > home," said Eilish McCabe. > > "The banners will be going out to say goodbye to them and we'll > be having a party to mark them going." > > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Dublin urged to move on cross-border representation > > > > Sinn Fein TD Caoimhghin O Caolain has called on the Dublin > government to build on recent political progress in the North by > moving to give citizens in the Six Counties representation in the > Oireachtas [Dublin parliament]. > > The Cavan/Monaghan TD called on the Irish government to move on > Sinn Fein's longstanding proposal for elected representatives in > the Six Counties to be given the right to sit and speak in the > Dail. He said: > > "Six-County representation in the Oireachtas would be a positive > way to build on the progress in the peace process. Legislation to > give effect to it should be introduced without delay." > > Sinn Fein has made a submission to the Oireachtas All-Party > Committee on the Constitution recommending that MPs elected in > the Six Counties have attendance and speaking rights in the Dail. > In the submission, Sinn Fein says that a key factor in securing a > Yes vote in the 26 Counties in the referendum following the Good > Friday Agreement was the assertion of the right to Irish > citizenship of every person born on the island of Ireland. The > Irish government, therefore, is under a special onus to vindicate > the rights of Irish citizens living in the Six Counties. Sinn > Fein argues that these rights include the right to send > representatives to the Irish legislature. > > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> The shame of the Irish slumlords > > > Julie was on an RTE 'Prime Time' television special on Ireland's slum > landlords, a slim young girl with a baby in her arms and > another little child who ran away in fear from the landlord. > There were rats in the yard, there was no heating, nowhere > outside of the room safe was to play, the small room that housed > two adults and the two kids. There was sewage seeping up through > the ground floor entrance hall, no hot running water, tokens for > the shower which didn't work, no fire escape, and the windows of > the house were barred up. That was where Julie Rattigan and her > family lived - 9 Church Street, Tullamore. > > Julie, Derek and their two children, aged four years and six > months, respectively, finally moved out of these appalling > conditions. They got one of the new council houses allocated in > May by Tullamore Urban District Council. Julie had wrung the > hearts of a nation when she talked last month on Prime Time of > the terrible conditions in which she lived. It's a great victory, > after what they have been through. "We owe it all to Jody here. > We wouldn't have got it without him," says Julie. > > "It's the terror," says Julie, "that the landlord will evict you, > or come one evening with the heavies when you are on your own, > that makes you put up with it. You have to. It's only when Jody > came along that we had someone that would help us, tell us our > rights. We weren't on our own any more." > > "All I did", says Jody Coughlan, a Sinn Fein councillor in > Tullamore, "was to make enough waves to force our UDC and the > County Council to face up to their joint obligations. That is, > their obligations to check that rented property in the town is of > an adequate standard and meets fire and safety regulations, and > to recognise that if people are thrown onto the streets by the > landlord, that the council, along with the health board, has an > obligation to house them. > > "There are another 480 people on the housing list, waiting for a > place to live," says Jody. "The council are planning some 200 > houses over the next 18 months. By then, the list will be twice > as long. Tullamore is earmarked as a development town and it is > growing at a rate of knots. We can't afford a local UDC that > allows the health board to pay exorbitant rents to landlords who > are illegally renting out substandard accommodation, without fire > escapes or proper facilities. > > "And Miles Shorthall is not the only landlord in this town > getting away with it. The councillors just don't care. What good > are we, if we turn a blind eye to what is going on?" asks Jody. > "We got elected to change all this." > > Miles Shorthall has had to move tenants out and undertake > structural repairs on 9 Church Street. Meanwhile, there are many > former tenants whose lives are not so easily repaired. > > Martina Tyrell is one. She lived in 9 Church Street for four > years. "It was," she says, "a continual battle. I was in the > ground floor flat beside the sewage outlet in the passageway. > Five tokens for the shower cost #1. "Then he wanted #5 on top of > the rent as a charge on bin collection. The rent was #65, of > which I had to pay #13.50 myself, out of the welfare money I got, > which was about #50 a week at the time. > > "The shower water ran down the electric cable to the overhead > light in the ceiling. I refused to pay until it was fixed. He cut > off the electric to my flat just before Christmas, then he > threatened eviction. He'd come in at any time of day or night. > Then he removed the door to my room. He said it was his." > > It was an endless saga of misery and fear living with the > continual stress of eviction and bullying. "I became asthmatic, > my hair fell out with alopecia. We tried to help each other out > in the seven flats in the building, but everyone was afraid, > afraid of landing out on the streets, and we didn't know our > rights. Jody was not around at this time." > > But as Jody says: "These landlords are still around, and not just > in Tullamore. It is up to councillors to insist on the legal > rights of tenants in the private rented sector. What good are we > if we don't?" > > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Feature: Long Kesh - Museum of Irish Freedom? > > > ------------------------------------------------------------- > As the last prisoners prepare to leave Long Kesh, scene of so > much drama and suffering over the course of the conflict, Fern > Lane argues that the time is fast approaching for it to be > formally designated a museum in recognition of its particular > historical importance. As a museum, she says, people could gain a > tangible sense of Long Kesh's central role in contemporary Irish > history > ------------------------------------------------------------- > > > Long Kesh was never just a prison. In its various forms, from the > Cages to the H-blocks to its gradual emptying, it has > consistently represented a microcosm of British policy towards > resistance in Ireland and, paradoxically, the embodiment of the > struggle of Irish people against those policies. > > Despite the physical and psychological isolation both of the > place and those held within it, Long Kesh has always been > intimately connected with what was going on outside its perimeter > fence. Because of this, and because of the battles - and intense > suffering - which occurred inside it, the very fabric of the > buildings themselves have begun to acquire an almost iconic > status which far outweighs their practical use; the familiar > shape immediately provides a form of visual shorthand for the > history of the war in the Six Counties. The H Blocks were the > locus of Britain's most recent efforts to first criminalise and > then break Irish republicanism in the old formula so beloved of > those of a colonial mindset. They were also, critically, where > those efforts ultimately failed. > > What then, after the end of July when the last prisoner is freed, > is to become of Long Kesh? No doubt there are some on the British > side who would like to keep it as a functioning prison (just in > case) and no doubt there are others who would like to see the > entire place bulldozed to the ground in an attempt to wipe the > evidence of the failures of British policy from the face of the > earth. A third option, increasingly under discussion, is to > retain some of the site - the cages, one of the blocks, and the > hospital wing - and turn it into a museum, a place where in > future people can gain a tangible sense of Long Kesh's central > role in contemporary Irish history. > > There are, of course, many precedents for this; Kilmainham prison > is now a cultural and historial landmark and there are also > obvious comparisons to be made with South Africa's Robben Island, > where Nelson Mandela was held for almost three decades. Robben > Island, like Long Kesh, became synonymous with the struggle > against oppression. Apart from Mandela, other ANC activists like > Neville Alexander, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Robert Sobukwe > and Govan Mbeki, were imprisoned there. > > Indeed, reading Mandela's account of the island in Long Walk to > Freedom, one cannot help but be struck by the similarities > between the shift in policy by the then Apartheid government in > South Africa in the mid-Sixties and that enacted by their > supporter, Margaret Thatcher, a decade or so later, when the > policy of criminalisation dictated the moving of republican > prisoners from the old cages in Long Kesh to the newly > constructed H-Block system: > > "Robben Island had changed since I had been there for a > fortnight's stay in 1962," writes Mandela. "Two years later, > Robben Island was without question the harshest, most iron-fisted > outpost in the South African penal system. It was a hardship > station not only for the prisoners but for the prison staff. Gone > were the Coloured warders who had supplied cigarettes and > sympathy. The warders were white and overwhelmingly > Afrikaans-speaking, and they demanded a master-servant > relationship. They ordered us to call them "baas", which we > refused. The racial divide on Robben Island was absolute: there > were no black warders and no white prisoners. > > "The high spirits with which we left Pretoria had been snuffed > out by its stern atmosphere; we were face to face with the > realisation that out life would be unredeemably grim. In > Pretoria, we felt connected to our supporters and our families; > on the island, we felt cut off and indeed we were. We had the > consolation of being with each other, but that was the only > consolation. My dismay was quickly replaced by a sense that a new > and different fight had begun." > > |ndeed, Mandela was also forced to fight with the authorities on > the matter of prison clothes, although in the end even the > apartheid regime in all its cruelty was less rigid on this point > of principle than that overseen by Mrs Thatcher: > > "From the first day, I had protested about being forced to wear > short trousers. I demanded to see the head of the prison and made > a list of complaints. The warders ignored my protests, but by the > end of the second week, I found a pair of old khaki trousers > unceremoniously dumped on the floor of my cell. No pin-striped > three-piece suit has ever pleased me as much. But before putting > them on, I checked to see if my comrades had been issued trousers > as well. > > They had not, and I told the warder to take them back. I insisted > that all African prisoners must have long trousers. The warder > grumbled 'Mandela, you say you want long pants and then you don't > want them when we give them to you'. The warder balked at > touching trousers worn by a black man, and finally the commanding > officer himself came to the cell to pick them up. 'Very well > Mandela' he said, 'you are going to have the same clothing as > everyone else'. I replied that if he was willing to give me long > trousers, why couldn't everyone else have them? He did not have > an answer." > > In 1996, in recognition of the site's historical importance, the > South African government designated the 574-hectare site as a > national museum and cultural heritage site. The museum traces the > 400-hundred year history of Robben Island; over time it has been > used to imprison slaves, chiefs who resisted British colonial > rule, lepers and the mentally ill. In December last year, the > site was declared a World Heritage Site by the United Nations, a > status which provides huge cultural and economic opportunities > for the local area. > > In a similar vein, the time is fast approaching for Long Kesh to > be formally designated a museum in recognition of its particular > historical importance, and to provide similar opportunities to > that afforded by Robben Island. The site provides its own > narrative structure; a story which goes from internment and de > facto political status in the cages, through criminalisation in > the H-Blocks, the Hunger Strikes and the consequent acceptance > once again of political status, to the more sane regime in the > prison which has prevailed over recent times, and finally > closure. Part of that narrative also concerns loyalists and their > strange relationship with a state which quietly gave them the nod > (and very often practical assistance) to commit atrocities > against those it considered to be its enemies, and then > imprisoned them for it. > > Sinn Fein's Paul Butler, a Lisburn councillor, has been working > hard on the proposal for a museum and to that end has been > discussing the possibility with other cultural bodies who might > be interested, such as the Ulster Museum and the Ulster Folk and > Transport Museum. He also met with officials from the Robben > Island museum, to hear first-hand about their experience of > running such an important historical site. He envisages something > in a similar spirit to that of Derry museum, which had made a > genuine attempt to honestly explore and account for the history > and politics of the town. > > Sinn Fein Assembly member Gerry Kelly has also been campaigning > around the issue and is especially keen that the hospital wing be > preserved intact, particularly the hospital log detailing the > progression of the hunger strikes - documents which are of huge > historical import. He recalls being in the hospital wing himself > on the first anniversary of Bobby Sands' death and the emotions > this aroused: "There was a really powerful feeling in there" he > says, "an atmosphere - you could feel it." In response, he wrote > two poems, one to Rosaleen Sands, Bobby's mother, and another > which places the hungers strikes in a wider historical context. > 'One year ago tonight/These cells echoed to your agony/Death > approached you violently/But without surprise... I cannot imagine > your suffering/Though it cries through the ages/Hunger is no > stranger/To the Irish people'. > > Curiously, John Stevens, prospective Commissioner of the > Metropolitan Police and investigator of RUC/loyalist wrongdoings, > paid a visit to Robben Island in November last year and declared > himself "moved and humbled" upon standing next to the cell where > the "terrorist" Nelson Mandela was incarcerated. Whether he would > be similarly moved and humbled (although the word "ashamed" > should also come to mind) upon paying a visit to the hospital > wing of Long Kesh to see where the "terrorist" Bobby Sands and > nine others died slow, agonising deaths in defiance of the > cruelty of the British state is another matter altogether. > > For the benefit of future generations, Long Kesh deserves to take > its rightful place in Irish and world history. > > > -------------------------------------------------------------------- > > > >>>>>> Analysis: The policing slate needs to be wiped clean > > By Gerry Kelly MLA > > In their joint statement 12 days ago, the two governments set out > what they believed are the steps necessary to secure the full > implementation of the Good Friday agreement. Their accompanying > letter to the leaders of the political parties was in fact a > series of commitments to achieve this goal and included a > commitment by the British government to enact legislation to > implement the Patten report. The IRA initiative of May 6 was a > response to these specific commitments. > > On Tuesday of this week the British government published its > Policing Bill. It does not deliver on its commitments as outlined > in their joint statement. It represents a significant departure > from key recommendations of Patten including those on the name, > symbols, and structures of the new policing service, human rights > protection provisions and accountability. > > Since partition, 80 years ago, the RUC has been the armed wing of > unionism, a Protestant militia for a Protestant people. Unionist > demands for a dilution of the Patten recommendations are a > conscious and calculated attempt to shape the new policing > service in the form of the old, an attempt to preserve the status > quo. > > It is no surprise that the changes sought by the unionist > leadership are in or around the very issues that will make it > impossible for nationalists to join a policing service in the six > counties. In demanding the retention of the RUC's name and its > symbols and emblems unionists seek to claim exclusive ownership > of any new policing service. How often have we heard the words > `our police force' from unionists in relation to the RUC. The > Good Friday agreement envisaged a new beginning to policing with > a new policing service capable of attracting and sustaining > support from the community as a whole; an inclusive rather than > partisan policing service. > > British secretary of state Peter Mandelson has already lent > himself to the campaign by those who seek to retain or repackage > the RUC. His enthusiastic tributes to the RUC seek to > rehabilitate the reputation of this discredited paramilitary > force and give encouragement to the pro-RUC camp. They are > grossly offensive to the many victims of RUC violence and > torture. > > The Patten recommendations on the name, symbols and emblems of > the new policing service were clear. There must be a new name and > the emblems must be free from any association with the symbols of > either the British or Irish state. Yet rather than deal with > these key issues now the Policing Bill allows for them to be > decided at some future point by the British secretary of state. > There will now be a strong suspicion that Peter Mandelson may yet > opt for incorporation of the name RUC into the title of the new > policing service and the retention or slight modification of the > existing RUC symbols and emblems. > > The exemption for present members of the RUC from any requirement > to take the new human rights oath if they take up their option > for membership of the new policing service is also a major > concern. It is also very revealing that unionists and members of > the RUC have such a problem with a human rights oath. Hundreds of > nationalists have suffered human rights abuses at the hands of > the RUC. Many have been killed by members of the RUC. The > proposed legislation opens up the prospect of human rights > abusers becoming part of the new policing service. > > Similar dilutions on recommendations on accountability, > arrangements for local and community policing, a failure to > address the issues of plastic bullets, the Special Branch and > community representation in the civil service policing division > and appropriate terms of reference for the new oversight > commissioner all point to a major dilution of the Patten > recommendations. > > A failure by the British government to remain true to its > commitments in the joint statement has the capacity to damage the > hopes of progress. > > > > > > > > c. RM Distribution and others. Articles may be reprinted with credit. > > =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= > RM Distribution > Irish Republican News and Information > http://irlnet.com/rmlist/ > > PO Box 160, Galway, Ireland Phone/Fax: (353)1-6335113 > PO Box 8630, Austin TX 78713, USA mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] > > =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= > > > RMD1000606121651p3 >
