>>  one, devoid of party politics.
>>
>>  I ask the citizens of Derry to reflect on the contrast between
>>  the sectarian and divisive attitude adopted by the DUP toward my
>>  election and the reasoned attitude of the republican/nationalist
>>  politicians and electorate to the sectarian approach of the
>>  unionist parties in Belfast in electing the DUP's Sammy Wilson as
>>  mayor of that city.
>>
>>  Republicans and nationalists in Belfast did not call for a
>>  boycott of Sammy Wilson or for him to be treated in a
>>  discriminatory manner.
>>
>>  That said, I have no intention of allowing the negativity of the
>>  DUP to deflect me from performing my duties as mayor on behalf of
>>  all of the citizens of Derry to the best of my ability.
>>
>>  I have many objectives that I would like to achieve during my
>>  term of office. I will attempt to bring about a system of local
>>  government that is open, transparent and democratically
>>  accountable.
>>
>>  I am determined to ensure that the community plays an integral
>>  part in the life of the city and the decision-making process. I
>>  will ensure that my door is open to every individual who feel
>>  that they have a contribution to make.
>>
>>  Derry city and the North West region in general has suffered
>>  decades of institutionalised neglect and marginalisation
>>  resulting in stagnation of the economy and the disappearance of
>>  traditional industries, such as textiles, on which the community
>>  depended.
>>
>>  I will set as a key objective during my term of office, the
>>  creation of a radical economic regional strategy. This will be
>>  done in tandem with a coherent education programme that will
>>  attract sustainable employment, is worker friendly and will
>>  remove the over-dependence on multinational capital by
>>  encouraging the growth and development of indigenous industry.
>>
>>  As an Irish republican, I am acutely aware of the consequences of
>>  exclusion and intolerance and it is my intention to ensure that
>>  such practices no longer feature in the civic life of this city
>>  in any form. I will work for the inclusion of all citizens
>>  regardless of political, religious, cultural or sexual
>>  persuasion.
>>
>>  I do not expect that everyone in this city will feel comfortable
>>  with my political philosophy. But I will not shirk my
>>  responsibility to be open and accessible to anyone who wishes to
>>  approach me or discuss with me any concerns that they may have.
>>
>>  In the same spirit, I expect that those who do not share my
>>  politics will give me a fair wind and judge me on the performance
>>  of my duties and not on my politics.
>>
>>  I intend to make my year in office one of substance: A year in
>>  which the potential of the peace process is translated into
>>  meaningful change that will transform the political, economic,
>>  social and cultural life of Derry.
>>
>>  I will not be found wanting when it comes to serving all of the
>>  citizens of this city and I look forward to the challenges that
>>  the next 12 months will present.
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>
>>  >>>>>> McBride family highlights British Army 'hypocrisy'
>>
>>  THE mother of murdered Belfast teenager Peter McBride has called
>>  the British army "hypocrites" following reports that soldiers are
>>  to be dismissed for failing drug tests.
>>
>>  According to reports in Scottish newspapers, eight members of the
>>  Royal Scots Guards are set to be discharged this week for failing
>>  drug tests.
>>
>>  The news comes as the army continues to deliberate on the future
>>  of Scots Guards Mark Wright and James Fisher, convicted in 1995
>>  of murdering Mr McBride.
>>
>>  "What a bunch of hypocrites to claim that taking drugs brings
>>  shame on the British army while shooting an innocent teenager in
>>  the back does not," Jean McBride said.
>>
>>  "These tests were carried out in April. Just two months later and
>>  the men are to be dismissed; Wright and Fisher were convicted in
>>  1995 and my family is still fighting."
>>
>>  It has also emerged that 11 soldiers from the Black Watch regiment
>>  face dismissal after testing positive for drugs.
>>
>>  Senior army sources have accused the men testing positive of
>>  "tarnishing the name of the battalion", while a spokesman said
>>  the army had a "zero tolerance drugs policy."
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>
>> >>>>>> Sinn Fein excluded by SDLP's 'cosy arrangement'
>>
>>
>>  The SDLP has once again done a deal with the Ulster Unionists to
>>  exclude Sinn Fein from the top posts in Armagh district council.
>>
>>  Previously, Ulster Unionist Jim Clayton was elected mayor and
>>  SDLP representative Joe McGleenan took the deputy mayor's seat.
>>
>>  Sinn Fein councillor Noel Sheridan said the over the four years
>>  of the council, the UUP and SDLP have shared the positions of
>>  mayor and deputy mayor between them.
>>
>>  "Sinn Fein with 13.6 per cent of council seats has been denied
>>  either position. The SDLP has not supported our demand for
>>  proportionality," he said.
>>
>>  The Sinn Fein councillor pointed out that the SDLP has also voted
>>  to exclude Republicans from a number of committees.
>>
>>  "The SDLP on Armagh district council operates a cosy arrangement
>>  with unionism to share the spoils of office," he said.
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>
>> >>>>>> Death of May Kavanagh
>>
>>  There's a photograph on the front cover of a pamphlet about Irish
>>  POWs of May Kavanagh standing outside the front door of her home
>>  in Crocus Street, West Belfast. She is carrying a small holdall
>>  bag and the caption tells us she is setting off to visit her son
>>  in jail in England. May stands before the camera, a neat, white
>>  haired and bespecticled grandmother, a determined and resolute
>>  republican.
>>
>>  It was with great sadness that Belfast republicans learnt of the
>>  death of May Kavanagh after a short illness last month. As a
>>  founding executive member of Green Cross and its forerunner, the
>>  Prisoners Dependents Fund Committee, May worked tirelessly on
>>  behalf of Irish republican prisoners and their families for many
>>  years.
>>
>>  May will not only be remembered for her dedication to others but
>>  also her fortitude in facing hardship and tragedy.within her own
>>  family. A mother of nine, May's home life was constantly
>>  disrupted by RUC and British Army raids.
>>
>>  In the early 1970s May's 18-year-old son Albert, an IRA
>>  Volunteer, was killed by the RUC in disputed circumstances.
>>  Shortly after Albert's death, another son, Paul, was sentenced to
>>  seven years imprisonment in Long Kesh It was the beginning a
>>  lifetime of prison visiting for May.
>>
>>  In the early 1980s, Paul Kavanagh was captured with Tommy Quigley
>>  and sentenced to 35 years imprisonment in England. The ordeal
>>  endured by Irish families travelling to visit POWs incarcerated
>>  in jails in England is well documented but it never deterred May
>>  Kavanagh. In 1989, after Paul married Martina Anderson, another
>>  republican POW jailed in England, May often journeyed to Durham
>>  also.
>>
>>  Long and hardous journeys to jails in England often ended in
>>  frustration with a prisoner being moved to another jail. But
>>  petty harassment couldn't undermine May's resolve and she became
>>  active in the campaign for the transfer of Irish political
>>  prisoners to jails closer to their homes.
>>
>>  After a lifetime of campaigning, May did live see her son,
>>  daughter-in-law and other Irish POWs return home. In 1999, Paul
>>  Kavanagh was released under the terms of the Good Friday
>>  Agreement, allowing May a few precious months with her son before
>>  she died.
>>
>>  May was a strong and resourceful woman. With kindness and a ready
>>  sense of humour, she faced many hardships with courage and
>>  determination. She will be sadly missed by all her friends.
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>
>> >>>>>> Feature: Celtic's image wars
>>
>>  BY MICK DERRIG
>>
>>  I've never been into TV soaps. I never pondered why I've remained
>>  immune, despite the widespread addiction among seemingly sound
>>  people. I've discovered solid comrades who have been secretly
>>  living in Brookside and on Deep Space Nine for years. It's at
>>  time like that you realise you are a little different to your
>>  fellow humans - it's actually a nice feeling.
>>
>>  Well that was what I thought about me and soap operas until the
>>  most recent twist in the fortunes of the Love Of My Life -
>>  Glasgow Celtic.
>>
>>  For all of these years I didn't need to know if Sinbad had got
>>  his window money or that the Gamma Quadrant was invaded by hordes
>>  of dysfunctional table jellies. Now I know why. I wasn't immune
>>  from the soap opera addiction after all. I've had Celtic - the
>>  biggest soap opera in Irish sport. I was deluded by the official
>>  fiction that this is a soccer club, owned by a Plc, of which
>>  Derrig is a minor, yet vital, shareholder. But no, its' a feckin'
>>  soap for all who harbour a rebel heart.
>>
>>  The latest episode has just got under way. After enduring a
>>  season where a laid back aristo from the Caribbean and his
>>  monosyllabic Jock mentor served us up a bunch of, well,
>>  dysfunctional table jellies. After the Omnibus Season From Hell,
>>  Celtic's coming home. We've got one of our own about the place
>>  and he's a class operator from South Derry. Kilrea man Martin
>>  O'Neill is the club's new manager at. He insisted on the
>>  old-fashioned title, not "Head Coach" or "Director of Football
>>  Operations" or any other rubbis.
>>
>>  He's the gaffer, Numero Uno, The Big Cheese.  He's the Guy Who
>>  Stops The Buck. He's now Patriarch of the Clan of Green.
>>
>>  There is a subcurrent at Celtic at corporate box level that is
>>  reminiscent of Fianna Fail. Totally corrupt, sloshing around in
>>  sleaze, but it's in their relationship to the culture of their
>>  bedrock support that the analogy is most illuminating.
>>
>>  The corporate clones at Parkhead see the massive marketing
>>  potential of Celtic as the Global Gaeltacht's soccer team. From
>>  being the game of the European and Latin American working classes
>>  50 years ago, soccer is now THE global game. No other sport comes
>>  close. The world cup final is the most watched sports event in
>>  human history. The global game is an integral part of the global
>>  economy, and that economy is driven by marketing.
>>
>>  The marketing men have an eye on Celtic's Irishness, but it will
>>  be sanitised and airbrushed of the working class reality of my
>>  community - the community that built and sustained the club for
>>  over a century. There has been a revisionism at work at Celtic in
>>  the last decade that would make the History department at UCD
>>  look like a meeting of a republican Think Tank.
>>
>>  Firstly, Fergus McCann sought to strip Celtic of any outward
>>  vestiges of its ethnicity. He stated baldly that Celtic was a
>>  Scottish club. The season that Celtic rented Hampden Park, the
>>  Irish Tricolour was banned from Scotland's national stadium.
>>
>>  McCann had no problem with this and said that he wouldnt miss the
>>  flag if it didn't fly over the newly-built Celtic Park the
>>  following season. This was stated to appease the hostile host
>>  community and to distance the club from the republican subculture
>>  that gives the club its bedrock support. It was also a cynical
>>  observation that the buses would still be leaving Donegal every
>>  Saturday morning come what may.
>>
>>  McCann, ironically a North American businessman, didn't see the
>>  marketing potential of the Celtic brand in Irish America. Dermot
>>  Desmond does. In all of this, Dermot Desmond remained silent,
>>  having weighed in with #3 million at the time of McCann's
>>  takeover. Perhaps he was otherwise engaged in other commercial
>>  activities - currently appearing at Flood and Moriarty.
>>
>>  Now, however, Desmond is very much in charge. It was his power on
>>  the board that got Martin ONeill placed as the new man in charge.
>>  He blocked everyone else's choice - former Dutch national coach
>>  Guus Hiddink. Desmond wants the Irish identity of the club
>>  rescued, but what kind of Irish identity?
>>
>>  The Irish identity that Celtic gave me was a working class
>>  republican one. This does not sit well with the Mohair man. Not
>>  only would he be uncomfortable with the Celtic support's
>>  celebration of struggle against British rule, but even more now
>>  with the developing republican labour class politics being
>>  advanced by Sinn Fein.
>>
>>  So there is a battle for the DNA of Celtic's Irishness.
>>
>>  When Martin O'Neill came out to greet the fans as the new
>>  manager, he was thrown a Celtic scarf from the crowd. He
>>  instinctively picked it up and held it aloft as he had done
>>  himself on the old terraces during the glory years under Jock
>>  Stein. The scarf not only said Celtic, but also had the lines
>>  from a republican ballad about it being 'Slan Abhaile' time for
>>  the British Army in Ireland. O'Neill's Plc media minder saw the
>>  negative PR implications and quickly supplied O'Neill with a nice
>>  sanitised Celtic scarf.
>>
>>  In that one vignette is the script for the next episode of my own
>>  soap opera. Celtic, if they are to compete in the big boys'
>>  league, will have to go global. That means utilising their unique
>>  selling proposition within the world's rapidly expanding soccer
>>  market. Celtic's marketing gameplan can only be Ireland and
>>  Irishness.
>>
>>  The corporate suits will want to do that, while hoovering out
>>  anything that smacks of the real Irish ancestry of Celtic - the
>>  real culture of the club is Irish republicanism and the struggle
>>  of a working class Irish community in Glasgow to make sense of
>>  itself. It used a soccer club to preserve its dignity as a human
>>  community in the face of systematic discrimination. That
>>  discrimination hasn't gone away, you know.
>>
>>  Desmond's vision is for a Bord Failte Celtic as a vehicle for
>>  selling third world merchandise to Irish Americans who wouldnt
>>  know a wing back from a corner flag. His marketing people must do
>>  that while making sure that they do not, finally, turn off the
>>  most loyal fans in the world, those who leave Dublin, Letterkenny
>>  and New Lodge Road every Saturday morning en route to Scotland.
>>
>>  That will be a difficult balancing act.
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>
>> >>>>>> Analysis: The marching issue needs an honest approach
>>
>>
>>  From the Lower Ormeau Concerned Community
>>
>>
>>
>>  The last time the Apprentice Boys marched along the Lower Ormeau
>>  Road, the RUC used batons, boots and Land Rovers to clear
>>  residents off the road to make way for the parade. The time
>>  before that, similar violence was used, with the addition of
>>  plastic bullets.
>>
>>  On that occasion, in August 1995, one of the Apprentice Boys
>>  mimicked the action of firing a machine gun as he passed Sean
>>  Graham's bookmakers.
>>
>>  The last time the Orange Order marched along the Lower Ormeau
>>  Road, it did so in the immediate aftermath of the murder of the
>>  Quinn children. Many people were disgusted that the Orange Order
>>  had refused to call off its parade as a mark of respect for the
>>  three children.
>>
>>  Given this type of background to marches in the area, it is not
>>  surprising that local residents continue to call for the
>>  rerouting of parades away from the area. The loyal orders remain
>>  equally adamant that they have an absolute right to march along
>>  the Lower Ormeau Road and will not accept anything less.
>>
>>  Clearly, where parades are steeped in such controversy and where
>>  marchers and residents have such diametrically opposite views on
>>  the parades, establishing any kind of mutual understanding or
>>  agreement becomes very difficult.
>>
>>  Nevertheless Lower Ormeau Concerned Community has, since 1992,
>>  committed itself to trying to resolve this issue through dialogue
>>  with the loyal orders.
>>
>>  For years we were rebuffed by the loyal orders but in 1999 the
>>  Apprentice Boys agreed to a series of meetings which lasted until
>>  the beginning of this year.
>>
>>  LOCC welcomes and encourages all forms of dialogue, but it is
>>  important to understand that dialogue is not an end in itself.
>>  Parades, not the absence of dialogue, are the problem.
>>
>>  Dialogue is an essential ingredient if we are to resolve the
>>  problems caused by parades, but underpinning that dialogue there
>>  must be a genuine willingness to address the root causes of the
>>  problems.
>>
>>  That willingness to genuinely address the issues was sadly
>>  lacking in the Apprentice Boys during the course of our dialogue.
>>  Some flavour of their attitude can be found in Tommy Cheevers's
>>  recent article in this paper.
>>
>>  LOCC is "hate-filled" for opposing the parades, according to the
>>  Apprentice Boys.
>>
>>  The Apprentice Boys entered into the talks, we are told, to put
>>  Sinn Fein to the test over its attitudes to parading.
>>
>>  There is no mention at all of the vast majority of local
>>  residents whose lives are not ruled by hate, who are not
>>  interested in party political positions on marching but who
>>  merely want to live their lives free from sectarian harassment
>>  and provocation which have been an integral feature of parades
>>  over far too many years.
>>
>>  Of course there is no mention of these people, because to
>>  acknowledge their existence would mean the Apprentice Boys
>>  acknowledging that there is a genuine problem which must be
>>  resolved. Better to stick to the tried and tested formula of
>>  Harold Gracey, David Jones and others - there is nothing wrong
>>  with our parades, if only Sinn Fein would stop intimidating the
>>  Catholics who would then come out and enjoy the parades as they
>>  used to in the "good old days".
>>
>>  Hey presto! No problem to discuss because there is no problem.
>>
>>  This approach to dialogue adopted by the Apprentice Boys caused
>>  considerable frustration for LOCC but it rebounded on the
>>  Apprentice Boys at Easter when the Parades Commission publicly
>>  criticised them for treating dialogue as an exercise in
>>  "box-ticking", that is, going through the motions without any
>>  serious intent.
>>
>>  Lower Ormeau Concerned Community is now trying to construct a
>>  genuine process of dialogue, based on internationally recognised
>>  models and practices. We hope the Apprentice Boys will come to
>>  any new process with a constructive attitude and a genuine
>>  willingness to resolve the problems caused by parades.
>>
>>  But they need to take on board a few painful home truths if we
>>  are to move forward.
>>
>>  Firstly, there is a genuine problem with parades by the loyal
>>  orders in all areas like the Lower Ormeau Road. That is why, in
>>  the last survey carried out by Coopers & Lybrand, 94 per cent of
>>  residents called for the parades to be re-routed. During our
>>  dialogue with the Apprentice Boys they actually admitted that
>>  equivalent parades by nationalists would not be tolerated in
>>  unionist/loyalist areas. If they could only put themselves in our
>>  shoes then they must surely see what their parades mean to us.
>>
>>  Secondly, there is no point in the Apprentice Boys trying to
>>  limit discussions to mere issues of the conduct and styles of
>>  parades.
>>
>>  We need to create a shared understanding of what parades are
>>  about and then we must work within that shared understanding to
>>  try to develop areas of potential agreement.
>>
>>  It would be wrong to believe that a parade where some kind of lid
>>  has been pressed down on the worst sectarian excesses represents
>>  the only - or indeed a likely - area of potential agreement.
>>
>>  There is something fundamentally wrong with a parade when those
>>  taking part in the parade have to be ordered not to abuse
>>  Catholic residents, and when bands taking part have to be
>>  instructed not to play blood-curdling, sectarian tunes in front
>>  of those residents.
>>
>>  These behaviours are bound to re-emerge if we do not address all
>>  of the issues around parading. In particular, we believe we need
>>  to explore creative and alternative forms of expression which do
>>  not carry the sectarian baggage inevitably associated with
>>  parades.
>>
>>  Finally, the Apprentice Boys need to get off their ridiculous
>>  "cultural apartheid" soapbox and recognise that the apartheid
>>  exists within their organisations, not without.
>>
>>  In her excellent book Northern Protestants, Susan McKay recounts
>>  a conversation with the governor of the Apprentice Boys when he
>>  explains why they failed to secure IFI funding. "The organisation
>>  had to be cross-community, and we couldn't have a Catholic on our
>>  committee."
>>
>>  By the same token, there will be no Catholics on parade with the
>>  Apprentice Boys on the Ormeau Road, in Derry or anywhere else
>>  next August.
>>
>>  If the Apprentice Boys wish to break free from the self-imposed
>>  isolation which their sectarian ethos and history have created,
>>  we are happy to work with them.
>>
>>  But there needs to be a genuine intention on their part - sadly
>>  lacking until now - to address all of the issues around parades
>>  in an honest and constructive way.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> c.  RM Distribution and others.  Articles may be reprinted with credit.
>>
>> =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=
>>                             RM Distribution
>>                 Irish Republican News and Information
>>                      http://irlnet.com/rmlist/
>>
>>  PO Box 160, Galway, Ireland           Phone/Fax: (353)1-6335113
>>  PO Box 8630, Austin TX 78713, USA     mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>>
>> =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=
>>
>>
>> RMD1000613110636p3
>>
>
>


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