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From: Pakito Arriaran <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Sent: Wednesday, August 09, 2000 4:19 PM
Subject: [MLL] Colombia: Economic Crisis Fuels Resistance


  -------------------------
 Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Aug. 10, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------

Colombia

ECONOMIC CRISIS FUELS RESISTANCE

By Andy McInerney

The government of Colombian President Andres Pastrana
unveiled its new economic package on July 28. The proposed
budget is a virtual declaration of war against the working
class.

Colombia's powerful labor-union movement is fighting back.
The country's three biggest union federations have scheduled
a 24-hour national strike for Aug. 3.

For Pastrana's economic team, cutbacks are key. Spending on
state services is to be cut by as much as 20 percent.
Thousands of workers are expected to be laid off as whole
public-sector entities are shut down. Those who manage to
keep their jobs will take pay cuts.

One segment of the budget is not being cut. The single
biggest item in the proposed budget is for payments
servicing Colombia's $34 billion foreign debt.

That spending alone accounts for $9 billion of the $24
billion budget.

In other words, nearly 40 percent of Colombia's national
budget is destined for the coffers of international banks--
the vast majority in the United States. That's more than
three times what the government plans to invest in the
country's economy.

This austerity budget combines with plans for increased
privatizations and for reorganizing labor laws to undercut
workers' rights. These factors--with Pastrana's support for
the Plan Colombia, a $7.5 billion plan centered on a huge
military buildup--are what provoked calls for a national
strike.

Julio Roberto G�mez, general secretary of the General
Confederation of Democratic Workers (CGTD) told the
Colombian Communist Party weekly newspaper Voz that the
strike is a response to "the miserable neoliberal policies
carried out by President Pastrana that result in increasing
impoverishment of the Colombian population."

G�mez is also a leader of the National Union Headquarters
that is organizing the strike. The Headquarters includes the
CGTD, the United Workers Federation (CUT) and the Colombian
Workers Federation (CTC).

"Escalating privatizations are continuing," G�mez explained.
"The phenomenon of paying wages late is growing, not only in
the state and hospital sectors, but also in the private
sector like the textile workers."

"The Aug. 3 strike is just the beginning of several
strikes," representatives of the CUT told Voz.

GENERAL ECONOMIC CRISIS

In 1999, the three union federations staged two major
strikes, including a general strike in October that involved
millions of workers. This year's strike is set to occur amid
a prolonged economic crisis.

Recent figures released by the Colombian government show the
official unemployment rate at over 20 percent and growing.
One-third of industrial jobs are part-time positions.

In 1999, overall production measured by the gross domestic
product dropped by 4.3 percent. While some Colombian
economists are pointing to an upturn, such signs of hope
have not translated into better conditions for workers.

"In 1999, factories were operating at half capacity," Vice
Minister of Development Juan Alfredo Pinto told the Bogot�
daily newspaper El Espectador. "Now they are operating at
higher levels, but without employing more workers."

The skyrocketing unemployment comes on top of a dramatic
impoverishment of the Colombian population. Twenty-five
million of the country's 40 million people live in poverty,
defined as lacking enough resources to provide for basic
daily needs.

Urban professionals and other middle-class layers have been
hard hit by the plummeting value of the Colombian peso. In
1996, the exchange rate was 1,040 pesos to the dollar; now
it is over 2,100 to the dollar. That sets imported goods
effectively out of reach for all but the wealthiest.

In the countryside, 1.5 percent of landowners own 80 percent
of arable land, according to a report by Colombian human-
rights activist Luis Alberto Matta. This gross polarization
is exacerbated by paramilitary death squads that have forced
millions of Colombian peasants off their land and into the
cities--only to have their land swallowed up by the big
landowners and drug barons.

Colombia is an oil-producing country. Yet its resources are
siphoned off by U.S. and other international oil
conglomerates like Occidental and BP.

During the last week of July, gas at the pump in Colombia
cost nearly $2 per gallon--more than in the United States.
Those prices have caused a 51-percent drop in gasoline
consumption.

THE REVOLUTIONARY CHALLENGE

Economic crisis is sweeping much of Latin America.

Oil-producing Venezuela is in a recession. Brazil, Latin
America's economic powerhouse, faced a painful financial
crisis in 1998.

But what sets Colombia apart is the presence of a powerful
revolutionary alternative to the U.S.-backed Pastrana
government. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-
People's Army (FARC-EP) has waged a 36-year struggle for
what they call a New Colombia. They now effectively control
more than 40 percent of the countryside.

As part of talks with the government, the FARC-EP has
organized a series of public audiences, where wide sectors
of the population can come to the site of the talks and make
proposals or participate in dialogues on the problems facing
the country. In July, for example, close to 1,500 students
attended an audience on "youth and employment."

So at the same time that the unions are waging a national
strike calling on the government to renegotiate the foreign
debt, the FARC-EP is making a moratorium on debt payments a
central item of discussion at the talks.

Direct links between the FARC-EP and the mass movement are
extremely difficult because the government relies on
paramilitary death-squad terror. Union leaders are routinely
assassinated for leading strikes on the grounds that they
were "aiding" the FARC-EP.

The revolutionary insurgencies and the mass struggles are
proceeding in parallel, representing twin challenges for
Colombia's U.S-backed ruling class. But the economic crisis
is bringing those struggles much closer together.

Of course, this weak link in the globalized web of
imperialist exploitation has not gone unnoticed in
Washington. The Clinton administration finalized a $1.3
billion military-aid package to Colombia, already the third-
largest recipient of U.S. military aid in the world.

This is part of a larger "Plan Colombia," a program for $7.5
billion in donations from the biggest capitalist countries
to shore up Colombia's government militarily and
economically.

Human-rights groups in Colombia have condemned the Plan
Colombia as an escalation of the war. Labor unions have
included opposition to the Plan Colombia as part of the Aug.
3 national strike. This adds an important political
dimension to the strike.

"The only way that the three union federations would suspend
the strike on Aug. 3 would be if the government radically
altered its economic policies," CUT leader H�ctor Fajardo
told El Espectador on Aug. 1.

"It would have to suspend its agreements with the IMF, the
application of Plan Colombia, and not present the reforms of
pensions and labor law."

That puts Colombia's working class on a collision course
with Wall Street and the Pentagon.

- END -

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