(Part 2) >>>>>> Third annual Damien Walsh lecture, by Gerry Adams MP ---------------------------------------------------------------------- The Forgotten Victims: Collusion - A Case to Answer On Thursday evening, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams MP, MLA gave the third Damien Walsh lecture in St. Mary's College on the Falls Road. In it Mr. Adams tackled the critical issue of Collusion, the role of British Intelligence, and the inequality the victims of state violence and collusion often find within the media and political establishments. Damien Walsh was a 17-year-old boy killed by the loyalist UFF while at work in the Dairy Farm complex at Twinbrook on March 25th 1993. Damien was on a state funded youth training programme as a trainee coalman. In the aftermath of his death Damien's family and friends established VAST, a West Belfast based charity whose principle aim is to help those who have suffered as a consequence of the war. Mr Adams described the lecture as a "memorial to Damien, but it is also a testimony to the courage and vision of his family and friends who in the face of great tragedy themselves have determined to do what they can to help other victims." The following is an edited text of his speech. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- Two years ago I sat in this very same hall listening to the experiences of relatives who had lost loved ones at the hands of a variety of state forces. The atmosphere was charged and very emotional. Many were moved to tears as they listened to a succession of relatives relate their experiences, and speak of their grief and pain - many of them for the first time. Two years on and the issues that those relatives described and still face remain as real and concrete as ever. They are still the forgotten victims and survivors of the conflict. If anything their experience - at a time of relative peace - has become even more marginalised and exacerbated by those in the British government and within the system who continue to protect the perpetrators. Following the recent release of the last large batch of political prisoners to be freed under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement many commentators, and some politicians concentrated exclusively on articulating the hurt of those people who had suffered as a result of the actions of the prisoners. While some of this was understandable it is equally clear that there were those who sought to exploit this issue to attack the Agreement. With a few honourable exceptions what they all failed to do was to focus any time or effort on the forgotten victims and survivors of state and state sponsored violence. And this is not a minor matter involving a small number of victims and relatives. It is important to realise that there are hundreds of victims and thousands of relatives who are personally and deeply affected by this. The RUC and the British army are directly responsible for killing 357 people - 75 of whom were children. The RUC was also responsible for investigating itself as a consequence of these killings. Understanding that explains why there was an absence of prosecutions and convictions in these cases. The manipulation and distortion of what passes for a criminal justice system points up very clearly the need for a fundamental and deep rooted reform of this system. The fact that there was no justice in these cases does not mean that there should be a sense of amnesia about these killings, or that the feelings of these bereaved are any different from any of the many other victims of the conflict. However, the efforts of the state to ignore these cases, and the failure of the media and most of the political establishment to treat these cases as equally deserving of concern, has compounded the feelings of anger and alienation which many of the relatives of the 'Forgotten Victims' share. And when one considers - as the evidence proves - that the figure of those killed through collusion with loyalist death squads also runs into many hundreds then the enormity of exactly what the state has been involved in during the conflict begins to impact. One conservative estimate puts the figure of those killed directly and indirectly by the British state in Ireland at over 1000, or almost one third of the total killed. Collusion is nothing abstract. It's something very real - very dangerous and thousands of families are living with the legacy of a policy pursued over 30 years in Ireland by successive British Governments. The political context in which collusion was born and thrived must be understood if we are to properly deal with its consequences and in particular its survivors. In 1970/71 the British government, locked into the colonial mindset that has dictated British policy toward Ireland for centuries, looked to its Generals and spooks - the securocrats - for a military solution, a military victory. The militarisation of the conflict inevitably led to a deepening crisis and a vicious war - one, which evolved into a war of attrition between the powerful, professional soldiers of a world power, and the amateur forces of the IRA. Into this situation the British deployed all of their experience and resources. That included, as the British Army's Training manual 'Land operations, Volume 111 - Counter-Revolutionary Options' "Liaison with, and organisation, training and control of, friendly guerrilla forces operating against the common enemy." This is the context which saw collusion take shape in the north. Very clearly collusion didn't happen by chance. It happened by design. It was about terrorising the population, or particularly that section of the population that the British believed gave support to their enemy. It was about isolating and marginalizing and demonising and killing its opponents. It was about training the RUC in torture techniques, shoot-to-kill tactics, surveillance and intelligence gathering, and creating a sizeable political police wing in the Special Branch. It was about establishing counter-gangs who were then trained, armed and given information gathered by the RUC, British Army, UDR and RIR, as well as the various British intelligence agencies. It was about establishing groups like the Military Reconnaissance Force or the Force Research Unit to run agents, and through them the gangs that would kill. It was about giving these groups the access they needed to carry out their actions. Throughout the 1970s and early 80s there were frequent allegations, mainly by republicans, of collusion. Some journalists and writers at different times lifted the lid slightly on the sordid world of informers, the MRF (Military Reconnaissance Force), of British agents and double agents, and of links between the various loyalist groups and British intelligence. But even against the backdrop of the Dublin Monaghan bombs and other actions by loyalists and British forces collusion was largely a non-issue dismissed as propaganda by a media and political system conditioned into seeing only republicans as the problem. The discovery in early 1988 that the DUP founded group Ulster Resistance, along with the UDA and the UVF had succeeded in bringing in a large shipment of weapons through South African connections brought a renewed focus on the links between loyalists and the British. As the catholic death toll rose sharply, as these new weapons were used, allegations of collusion grew. However, it was the killing of Loughlin Maginn in Rathfriland in August 1989 which saw the collusion debate take on a new impetus. Within weeks over two thousand photomontages of nationalists were released by loyalist groups to the media. The British were forced to establish the Stevens Inquiry. At its conclusion in June 1991 28 loyalists had been charged by Stevens but not one member of the RUC, the main source for much of the material, was ever charged. One person who was arrested and whose case may yet open up this whole can of worms is Brian Nelson. He revealed how as a double agent, working for the FRU - Force Research Unit - he had planned the importation of weapons via South African contacts, and as the UDA's most senior intelligence officer, provided the death squads with the information which led to many deaths. These included Human Rights lawyer Pat Finucane, Gerard Slane and Terence McDaid. His information came from his handlers in British intelligence. Young Damien Walsh was killed by loyalists in 1993 using weapons imported into Ireland by UDA chief intelligence officer and British double agent Brian Nelson. Since the shipment of weapons arrived and was distributed to loyalists, in January 1988, up until this year, loyalists have killed 277 people. Many more have been wounded. The majority were killed with the weapons imported by Nelson. Disclosures are continuing about the role of Nelson and others. The enormity of collusion explains why the British have steadfastly rejected calls by the Irish Government, the UN, Amnesty International, members of the US Congress and many others for independent inquiries into the murder of Pat Finucane and collusion in general. For our part Sinn Fein has sought to highlight collusion at every opportunity. In recent years I have presented the British Prime Minister with a detailed report on the Brian Nelson affair. I have also raised the issue with the Irish government and with the US government. I believe this issue goes to the heart of Britain's war in Ireland and I have therefore raised it at almost every meeting I have ever held with Tony Blair. Several weeks ago I again wrote to him asking him specific questions on the role of the FRU. We are constant in our support for the relatives' demand for an international inquiry. This will not be easily achieved. It is an understatement to describe the matter as the British State's 'Watergate'. But Britain's fear of the truth must be our incentive to relentlessly pursue the truth and to seek and secure justice for those who died and for those they left behind. -------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Analysis: The North, Democracy and the Irish Nation By Martin McGuinness MP, Minister for Education in the Executive "It is the entitlement and birthright of every person born in the island of Ireland ... to be part of the Irish nation." On 22 May 1998, the above amendment of the Irish Constitution was approved by an overwhelming majority in a referendum. It follows inexorably from this that such persons have a democratic right to full engagement in the political life of the nation. But that does not obtain at the moment. People in the six counties cannot vote for the President of Ireland; indeed, the incumbent President could not therefore vote for herself! They cannot cast a ballot on any proposed change in the constitution which includes them. And they have not been awarded a representative or participative presence in the Dail which frequently holds debates and takes decisions about their welfare. There is now usually some northern presence in the Seanad, but that is at the discretion of the Taoiseach and not of right. It is important to realise the historical and contemporary sense of alienation which northern nationalists feel in this situation. From 1918 to '22, they did enjoy the right to vote for and have Deputies in the Dail. But, with the onset of partition, for which not a single Irish vote was cast they were disenfranchised in this regard and gerrymandered into electoral insignificance and political impotence, in the six counties in particular and the United Kingdom in general. Even if those who view an oath of allegiance to a foreign monarchy as repugnant (on both national and republican grounds) were to take it, they would simply attain a state of sublime irrelevance in London. Tens of thousands of electors in the north wish to be represented as Irish citizens in a national assembly, not portrayed as British subjects in an off-shore house of commons. If unionists and some others want to go to Westminster, why can't republicans and other nationalists go to Leinster House? It is also important to appreciate that if unionists do not wish to come to the Dail , that is no reason, despite what some have suggested, why nationalists should be excluded from it. To maintain that one individual's failure to exercise a right should lead to another individual being deprived of it is simply preposterous. Besides, it is not at all clear that all unionists would in fact turn down such an opportunity or that others would forever do so. The experience of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation revealed that there are unionists who are prepared to come forward in this way, whether from the traditional unionist fold or in the shape of the Alliance Party. And others again have accepted membership of Seanad Eireann in the past. In addressing the question of a northern dimension in the political life of the nation, the matter might be specifically approached in terms of what requires a constitutional amendment and what does not, with the latter being dealt with first. The minimum that could be expected is that the Standing Orders of the Dail be altered by that body to allow northern Westminster MPs (18 in all) to attend and speak at certain debates. (Although, in fact, probably only about 5 will turn up to begin with.) Debates on the work of the North-South Ministerial Council and of the all-Ireland Implementation Bodies would be obvious examples and Ireland's general role in the world through its international relations would be another one. Moving into the area of constitutional amendment, the existing northern presence in the Seanad should be provided for as of right and through some mechanism of electoral choice. Moreover, in the process, that presence needs to be enhanced to a more realistic number. It should also be recalled here that membership of the Seanad allows for involvement in Oireachtas Joint Committees and participation in joint sessions of both houses, which possibilities should be fully availed of by Senators from the six counties. Also on the constitutional front, Irish citizens in the north ought to be given the right to vote in certain referenda. In the jurisdictional circumstances which prevail at present, it is understandable that such a right should be confined to issues which affect all citizens on the island, i.e. the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 or cabinet confidentiality in 1997, to take the two most recent examples. What could further fall into this category would have to be discussed and no doubt there would be boundary-line cases that would need to be categorised one way or the other. It is accepted, however, that Irish citizens in the north could not reasonably anticipate having a vote on something which would exclusively impact upon those living in the twenty-six counties, e.g. an item to do with taxation, which may surface in the EU context. A constitutional amendment to allow for votes in Presidential elections would be more straightforward. But the same urgency does not attach to this as to other aspects raised, because there is not likely to be another election until 2004, if even then. Constitutional moves may also be required to take involvement in the Dail into the voting stage or to have northern Deputies directly elected to it, depending on the exact proposals; changes in electoral law would definitely be necessary. Much has been said and written about the need to consolidate peace and deprive those who wish to wreck it of the chance to do so. Looked at properly, it will be seen that the steps outlined in this article, in addition to what is already in train, would go a long way towards that end. The transformative effect on northern and national politics cannot be underestimated. I call on all sections of our society, all political and civic leaders throughout the country to support these constructive proposals as concrete contributions to building reconciliation, democracy and peace. -------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> International Week of Action for Peter McBride family Supporters of the family of murdered Belfast teenager Peter McBride are calling for an international week of action in early September to demand the dismissal from the British Army of the two Scots Guards convicted of the 1992 murder. The call comes amid growing anger at the delay by the Ministry of Defence in making known the decision on whether Guardsmen Wright and Fisher will be allowed to remain in the British Army despite their murder convictions. On September 4 1992, Peter McBride, 18-year-old father of two young daughters, was stopped by a foot patrol of the Scots Guards in Spamount St, off the New Lodge Rd in Belfast. After an identity check and a thorough body search, which found him to be unarmed, Peter ran from the patrol and was chased by the soldiers. During the chase the soldier in charge ordered his men " don't shoot". Seconds later a witness heard the words "shoot the bastard ". Two soldiers, Guardsmen Mark Wright and Jim Fisher, shot at him, hitting him twice in the back from a range of some 70 yards. Peter, seriously wounded, stumbled through a house before collapsing in the back entry behind his sisters house. The two soldiers were taken to Girdwood Army Barracks and the RUC were denied access to the men for at least 10 hours. The Minister for Foreign Affairs in Dublin, David Andrews, called for an immediate independent investigation. An Editorial in the Irish Times (5.9.1992) said "there is little doubt that he posed no threat to the soldiers who shot him" while an Irish News editorial on the same day, commenting on a possible official investigation said, " One can already visualise the buckets of whitewash being flown in to deal with the present incident". The day after the killing Guardsmen Wright and Fisher were charged with murder. They were convicted in February 1995 and sentenced to life imprisonment. In September 1998, the soldiers were released from Maghaberry Prison, County Antrim. The British Army Board decided that they could continue their careers in the services under an "exceptional circumstances" clause. The week of action will be focused around three key dates in the controversial case: -on September 2 1998 the two Scots Guards were granted early release from life sentences outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. -on September 4 1992 Peter McBride was murdered in the New Lodge area of Belfast. -on September 6 1999 a Belfast court ordered the Ministry of Defence to reconsider the decision to retain the two Guardsmen. A spokesperson for the Pat Finucane Centre stated, "almost 12 months have passed since the MOD [British Ministry of Defence] were ordered to reconsider whether convicted murderers should be allowed to continue serving in the British Army. The McBride family are increasingly frustrated at the delaying tactics of the MOD and are asking concerned groups and individuals to support them in their search for justice." Members of the McBride family, including Jean McBride, will travel to London in September to mark these key dates in their campaign and demand the dismissal of the guardsmen. Recently a Downing St spokesperson confirmed that a letter handed in by the family in April of this year had been "lost". As a result the family will again present an appeal to the Prime Minister at Downing St. Jean McBride said, "Over the years our campaign has received messages of support from throughout the world. I would appeal to those people to support us in September. By going to London I want to take a simple message to Tony Blair. This has gone on long enough. If the British Government has any self-respect they will not allow convicted murderers to stay in their army." The Pat Finucane Centre is appealing to supporters of the Mc Bride family to stage pickets and protests in Ireland and abroad on any one of the above mentioned dates. "The British Government would like this issue to simply disappear. We can assure them that it wont. Our hope is that there will be protests here and at British embassies and consulates abroad." For a chronology of the key events in this case see http://www.serve.com/pfc or email:[EMAIL PROTECTED] or tel 02871 268846. The PFC has requested to be informed if you are organising a protest in your area. -------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Events in Ireland and Britain H-BLOCK MARTYRS MEMORIAL LECTURE: What Lessons can be drawn from the Hunger Strike and how do they affect politics today? 5pm Saturday 12 August, Parish Centre, DUNLOY, County Antrim. Exhibition, arts and crafts display and book signing of Nor Meekly Serve My Time. Main speaker: Laurence McKeown. rganised by the North Anrtim Ex-Prisoners Committee WELCOME-HOME FUNCTION: For recently-released POW Leo Cuningham. Saturday 12 August, Community Hall, ATTICALL. Music by Justice. Taille #5 SF ANTI-DRUGS PICKET/PROTEST: 12-1.30pm Saturday 12 August, Meath Street Church, DUBLIN VOLUNTEER COMMEMORATION: 19th Annual Commemoration of Volunteer Thomas McElwee. 11am Saturday 13 August, in St Mary's Churchyard, BELLAGHY, County Derry. Prominent speaker in attendance TOM DELEGATION TO BELFAST: Thursday 10 - Monday 14 August. Delegation Costs: #45 unwaged; #55 Waged; #80 High waged. The price includes food & accommodation. It does NOT include travel costs to Belfast. Troops Out Movement PO Box 1032 Birmingham B12 8BZ Tel: 0121 643 7542. Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED] WELCOME-HOME FUNCTION: For ex-POW Paddy Kelly. 10pm Friday 18 August, Old Village Inn, DRUMLISH, County Longford. Music by Spirit of Freedom. Taille #5 VOLUNTEER COMMEMORATION: Annual Volunteer Sean Russell commemoration. Assemble Saturday 19 August, (note date change) Five Lamps, North Strand, DUBLIN. SF speaker and RFB in attendance. Ballad session afterwards in White Sands Hotel featuring Spailpin REPUBLICAN COMEMORATIVE ACTIVITIES DAY: 3pm Saturday 19 August, West End Car Park, BUNDORAN, County Donegal. Trad music, and dancing, RFBs, Strabane RFB, Fintona Pipe Band. Speaker: Martin Ferris. 9pm Sat/Sun 18/19 August music in the Bird's Nest by Spirit of Freedom REPUBLICAN FUNCTION: Featuring the Wolfe Tones. 8pm Friday 25 August, CIE Club, ARCADIA, Cork City. Taille #12. Tickets from SF office, Barrack Street, tel 021-4311 389. Organised by the Cork Republican Commemoration Committee FUNDRAISER: 8.30pm Friday 31 August, Ripley Court Hotel, DUBLIN. Music from '60s, '70s, '80s, raffle and spot prizes. Speaker: Cllr Nicky Kehoe SF BALLAD SESSION: Featuring Just Green and Cuchulainn. Friday 1 September, The Abbey Room, Grand Hotel, WICKLOW. Taille #6, raffle and guest speaker. Organised by Wicklow SF REPUBLICAN FUNCTION: Featuring Sean Nos. 9pm Friday 8 September, Stewart's pub, BALLYCUMBER, County Offaly. Taille #3. All welcome. Organised by the Liam Dignam Sinn Fein Cumann SF FUNCTION: Featuring Justice. Saturday 23 September, Widow Scallan's, Pearse Street, DUBLIN. Taille #5. Organised by the Jackie Griffith/Mairead Farrell Sinn Fein Cumann MARCH/RALLY: 3rd Annual James Larkin Commemoration March & Rally. Assemble 12 noon Saturday 30 September, Mount Pleasant, LIVERPOOL, England. City Centre Route. Bands in attendance. Prominent Speakers. Rally followed by social. For more information contact [EMAIL PROTECTED] SF is currently looking to expand its presence in third level education institutions. If you are attending college or will be attending one in the coming year and are interested in joining SF contact Damian at the address or phone below: c/o 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1 or tel 087-6523026 c. RM Distribution and others. Articles may be reprinted with credit. =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= RM Distribution Irish Republican News and Information http://irlnet.com/rmlist/ PO Box 160, Galway, Ireland Phone/Fax: (353)1-6335113 PO Box 8630, Austin TX 78713, USA mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] =-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= RMD1000811165456p5
