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Subject: [STOPNATO] What ABM Treaty?


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What ABM Treaty? -- ("Nothing to abrogate," says ex-spy chief)
--
http://washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A27009-2000Aug14.html
==================================
Washington Post
-
What ABM Treaty?
By R. James Woolsey
Tuesday, August 15, 2000; Page A23
-
As the Clinton administration
approaches its decision this fall on whether to begin deployment of a
national missile defense system, the public debate has been heavily
influenced by the assumption that the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty
between the United States and the Soviet Union is still in effect, and
that the United States must "abrogate" it in order to deploy defenses.
But as Prof. Robert Turner of the University of Virginia Law School and
other scholars have amply chronicled, there is no reasonable case for
this widely held view.
-
According to longstanding principles
of international law, when one country has a bilateral treaty with
another and is then "succeeded" by a different state (as Russia has
succeeded to the rights and duties of the Soviet Union under a number of
treaties), the bilateral treaty remains in effect only if both states so
affirm--the new state and its predecessor's treaty partner.
-
The only exception to what
international lawyers call this "clean slate" rule is "dispositive"
treaties--such as those that dispose of territory. In only these cases
is the succession automatic. For example, if the Soviet Union had signed
a treaty agreeing to sell back to Japan the portion of the Kurile
Islands it seized at the end of World War II, that treaty would
automatically be binding on Russia and Japan.
-
But the administration does not
assert that the 1972 U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty is "dispositive." Indeed,
the administration's only argument that the 1972 treaty automatically
remains in effect is that this position is supported by the words of a
1978 convention that seeks to limit the application of this longstanding
clean slate rule solely to countries emerging from colonial domination.
What the Justice Department's 1996 memorandum on this issue fails to
point out is that neither the United States, the Soviet Union nor Russia
is a party to this 1978 convention--and that in fact 90 percent of the
world's states have also refused to sign it.
-
It is irrelevant to the ABM Treaty
debate. So, following the Soviet Union's demise, the question is: Has
the United States consented to substituting Russia or some group of new
states as the new parties to the 1972 treaty? At this point the issue
ceases to be one of international law and becomes an American
constitutional question.
-
Let's assume that the new party or
parties and the U.S. executive branch have all consented. Is that
enough? Not by a long shot. The argument isn't even close. On
substantive changes in treaties, the executive cannot act for the United
States by itself. The Constitution requires the consent of two-thirds of
the Senate. Are changes in the ABM Treaty "substantive," requiring
Senate approval, if Russia succeeds to the role of the Soviet Union
or--as the administration proposed and the Russian government has twice
approved--if Russia, together with Belarus, Ukraine and Kazakhstan
become the Soviet Union's successor states?
-
In either case, especially the
latter, it is impossible to make the argument with a straight face that
the changes are not "substantive." Even minor changes in treaties have
been deemed substantive by both the executive and the Senate for the
past two centuries. The substitution of four states for one in this
bilateral 1972 treaty would convert it to a multilateral treaty. I am
unaware of any case in which a president has sought to change a treaty
from bilateral to multilateral without the consent of the Senate.
-
Such a change would have major
practical effects: The United States would have to persuade not one but
four states to go along with any treaty amendments. Moreover one of
these states, Belarus, is ruled by the dictatorial and highly corrupt
Lukashenko regime that is in league with the most unreconstructed parts
of the old Soviet military-industrial complex.
-
How can the administration assert
that putting the ability of the United States to defend itself into the
hands of Alexander Lukashenko is not "substantive"? In addition, the
area covered by the new treaty would be shrunk by 1 1/2 million square
kilometers by the exclusion of 11 countries (the Baltics, the Caucasus,
Moldova and four South Asian "stans").
-
Would the administration also
contend that if the Soviet Union had come to U.S. officials in the 1980s
and asked for such a huge section of its territory to be exempted from
the ban on ABM deployments that would not have been a substantive change
to the treaty requiring the Senate's approval?
-
For reasons of both history and
strategic prudence, the next administration should confer with our
allies and Russia about its plans for missile defense, and seriously
consider their views. But the next president need not, indeed he should
not, do so from the disadvantaged position that he will have to abrogate
a treaty before he proceeds to deployment.
-
The executive branch cannot keep a
treaty of this importance in limbo indefinitely: Unless some president
submits the 1972 ABM Treaty, with its new parties, to the Senate and
obtains its consent to the substantive changes, there is nothing to
abrogate.
--
The writer, an attorney and former CIA director, was ambassador,
delegate or adviser in five U.S.-Soviet arms control negotiations
between 1969 and 1991.
--
� 2000 The Washington Post Company
=================================

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