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>http://www.motherjones.com/news_wire/paramilitaries.html
>Mother Jones Magazine
>
>
>Colombia's Death Squads
>
>The US is dishing out $1.3 billion to help Colombia's
>military fight leftist rebels and drug growers -- but
>in doing so, it may also be helping murderous
>right-wing paramilitary groups.
>
>by Steven Dudley
>Aug. 31, 2000
>
>PUERTO ASIS, Colombia -- Just walk into District
>Attorney German Martinez's office, and it becomes
>obvious he's a watched man. From across the street in
>the town's central square, hard-eyed men watch his
>every movement. Inside the dark, steamy, one-story
>building, two military officers wait to speak to him.
>
>Just a few feet away from the soldiers, the 31-year
>old lawyer fiddles with his neatly stacked papers on
>the corner of his desk. Martinez gets death threats
>regularly, usually by telephone in this office. Two
>heavily armed bodyguards accompany him everywhere. All
>of this attention makes Martinez nervous; he shakes as
>he speaks.
>
>"As public servants, we should have confidence in the
>military," Martinez says softly, hunching over his
>desk. "But we don't, because the ties between these
>criminals and the armed forces are very clear."
>
>"These criminals" are the clandestine right-wing
>paramilitaries which operate with impunity in Puerto
>Asis, unofficial allies of the Colombian military in
>its decades-long war against leftist guerillas.
>Martinez lays the blame for over 100 murders last year
>on the paramilitaries who are trying to violently
>purge the area of left-wing guerrillas.
>
>Puerto Asis, a town of 18,000 in Putumayo province, is
>ground zero for the US-backed military assault on
>coca-growing areas in Colombia. Putumayo, located
>along the Ecuadoran border, and its northern neighbor,
>Caqueta province, are where most of Colombia's coca is
>produced and refined before being smuggled out to the
>US and Europe. An estimated 1,500 left-wing rebels
>from the country's largest guerrilla group, the
>Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), protect
>some of these fields -- many of which lie just a few
>miles from Puerto Asis -- and siphon a tax from the
>growers and traffickers to finance their own war
>against the state.
>
>The Colombian military -- which was barred from
>getting US money for years because of past
>human-rights abuses -- is now set to receive a record
>$1.3 billion in US aid, most of it to be spent on
>helicopters, intelligence equipment, and training, so
>it can chase the leftist rebels out of this area.
>
>But Martinez's allegations -- which are backed up by
>numerous other observers and international
>human-rights groups -- point up important questions
>about whether the US can aid this attack without
>supporting the most brutal element of the war, the
>right-wing paramilitaries. International human-rights
>groups say the paramilitaries are responsible for over
>70 percent of the estimated 3,000 extrajudicial
>executions per year in Colombia.
>
>The legal safeguards that are supposed to prevent US
>aid money from going to such human-rights abusers have
>been easily sidestepped. On Aug. 22, President Clinton
>signed a waiver that permits the aid to go to Colombia
>despite the fact that State Department did not certify
>the Colombian government for its human-rights record,
>a stipulation built into the package.
>
>"This is the wrong policy and the wrong time," said
>Jos� Miguel Vivanco, executive director of Human
>Rights Watch's Americas Division. "The message is that
>the bad apples in the armed forces shouldn't be
>worried. Ultimately, the waiver defeats the purpose of
>any policy meant to improve human rights."
>
>This year's State Department report noted the
>Colombian military's human rights record has improved,
>but said that parts of the armed forces maintained
>ties with the right-wing groups. Critics within the
>Colombian government say that allegations of the
>Colombian military's wrongdoing have dropped because
>they have simply passed off the dirty work to the
>paramilitaries.
>
>Military units receiving aid must also abide by the
>Leahy Amendment, which bars money from going to
>foreign armed forces that are involved in human-rights
>abuses. Putumayo's 24th Army Brigade is one of several
>military units that has supposedly been cleared of
>involvement in such crimes. But US officials seemed to
>have overlooked strong evidence linking the brigade to
>the paramilitary groups in the area, revealing just
>how artificial this screening process is.
>
>Martinez, for instance, said he saw paramilitaries
>take four peasant farmers past one of the brigade's
>checkpoints last year. The farmers later turned up
>dead. He has filed reports to the central office of
>the Attorney General in Colombia's capital city of
>Bogota but to little avail.
>
>US embassy officials in Colombia admitted that it is
>hard to screen an entire brigade, which has several
>hundred frequently rotated soldiers. But they said
>that if there were specific incidents from credible
>sources, the embassy would investigate.
>
>One incident the embassy might want to investigate is
>a massacre in the small farming village of El Tigre, a
>guerilla stronghold some 25 miles northwest of Puerto
>Asis. The bumpy, partially paved road north from
>Puerto Asis hits a fork after several miles; turn left
>and you go to El Tigre, veer right and you run into
>the 24th Brigade on the outskirts of the town of Santa
>Ana.
>
>On the night of Jan. 9, 1999, government and
>international investigators say that 150
>paramilitaries forced several Puerto Asis residents at
>gunpoint to drive them to El Tigre along this road.
>That night, paramilitaries slaughtered some two dozen
>people in the village. Meanwhile, the 24th Brigade
>established a check-point just above the fork in the
>road and barred vehicles from going to Puerto Asis
>from Santana. Witnesses told investigators that about
>30 buses were stacked up in Santana for several hours.
>The check-point made travel along the road between El
>Tigre and Puerto Asis less congested and a getaway
>with no witnesses easy.
>
>The current head of the 24th Brigade, Col. Gabriel
>Diaz, said it was a routine checkpoint. And Diaz
>insisted the stories surrounding the massacre are
>false.
>
>"This is what the FARC does," Diaz said. "They want to
>discredit the military."
>
>However, another more recent massacre revealed a
>similar pattern. On Nov. 7, 1999, paramilitaries
>killed 12 people in the town of El Placer, according
>to Amnesty International. Witnesses told investigators
>that the 24th Brigade was in El Placer just days
>before the massacre, and arrived again just hours
>after the 50 armed men had finished pulling locals out
>of their houses and shooting them in the barren fields
>surrounding the town.
>
>Colombian human-rights observers say both the El Tigre
>and the El Placer cases are typical of the way in
>which the Colombian military collaborates with the
>paramilitaries: providing protection, then
>auspiciously timing their arrivals so as not to
>confront the right-wing groups.
>
>"In some cases, witnesses have testified to direct
>coordination and participation in massacres," said
>Winifred Tate, a fellow at the Washington Office on
>Latin America. "In other cases, local armed forces
>have stood by while paramilitary forces occupied towns
>for several days, killing inhabitants, and did not
>come to the aid of the people despite pleas from local
>government officials, or even prevented assistance or
>the possibility of escape."
>
>Puerto Asis Mayor Manuel Alzalte said he's informed
>the armed forces on several occasions that
>paramilitaries ride in their four-by-fours with their
>guns hanging out of their windows in the middle of the
>city -- to no avail.
>
>"If the army and the police don't do anything, what
>more can I do?" Alzalte said.
>
>In Puerto Asis, everyone but the 24th Brigade seems to
>know where to find the estimated 500 right-wing
>paramilitaries that operate in the area. Locals said
>they run their operations from a ranch a few miles
>outside the city. The region's right-wing militia
>leader, known as Commander Yair, told Reuters that the
>paramilitaries backed the government's plan to clear
>guerrillas from this area when the news agency found
>him at this same farmhouse.
>
>Rights groups say the 24th Brigade colludes in a
>counter-insurgency strategy that relies on the
>paramilitaries. In February, Human Rights Watch
>reported that half of the army's 18 brigades maintain
>systematic ties to the right-wing militias. The United
>Nations Office of the High Commissioner on Human
>Rights in Colombia came to a similar conclusion in
>April.
>
>"The continued existence of direct links between some
>members of the securirty forces and paramilitary
>groups ... is a cause of great concern," the report
>says. "This office has received testimony from some
>high military officials saying that the paramilitaries
>do not violate the constitution and therefore it is
>not a function of the military to fight them."
>
>Although the military admits there are "some bad
>apples" in its units, they say they are doing what
>they can to fight the paramilitaries.
>
>"The Armed Forces takes human rights seriously,"
>insisted Colombian Defense Minister Luis Fernando
>Ramirez.
>
>"We are having more and more combat with the
>self-defense groups all the time," Ramirez said.
>"Maybe there were links between some members of the
>military and the paramilitaries in the past, but today
>the message is clear that this type of activity will
>not be tolerated."
>
>Human-rights monitors, however, say that the reports
>of the military's actions against paramilitaries are
>greatly exaggerated.
>
>"Most arrests claimed by the security forces are of
>low-ranking paramilitaries, not leaders," WOLA, Human
>Rights Watch and Amnesty International wrote in a
>statement issued on August 28. "In the few cases where
>top leaders have been arrested, several have been able
>to leave prison unhampered."
>
>The government has also yet to sanction top military
>officials for their alleged collaboration with
>paramilitaries. Last year, Colombian President Andres
>Pastrana forced four generals to retire for failing to
>fight paramilitary groups in their jurisdictions. The
>Colombian military also says it's planning a purge of
>abusive officers. But Ramirez admitted that no more
>than 100 officers would be forced to leave the
>service, and -- like their counterparts whom Pastrana
>forced to retire -- none would face criminal
>prosecution.
>
>High Colombian government officials admit that it is
>difficult to attack the military's apparent collusion
>with paramilitaries because they have such popular
>support. In addition, powerful news outlets have given
>the paramilitaries sympathetic coverage. Caracol
>Television -- which is owned by the most powerful
>business conglomerate in Colombia, the Grupo Santo
>Domingo -- broadcast a two-hour interview with
>paramilitary leader Carlos Castano during which he
>acknowledged that his men had killed dozens of people
>in the villages of Ovejas and El Salado last February,
>but calmly justified the incident by claiming the
>victims were guerrilla collaborators.
>
>This type of impunity has public officials like
>District Attorney German Martinez walking the streets
>afraid for his and his new wife's lives. Many people
>in Martinez's jurisdiction of Puerto Asis, including
>Mayor Alzalte, say they're surprised he's still alive.
>The lawyer is looking for political asylum.
>
>"I feel very alone," Martinez says wiping the sweat
>from his brow, "because there's no clear strategy to
>fight the paramilitaries."  What do you think?
>
>Steven Dudley is a journalist living in Bogota. He
>reports regularly for The Washington Post and National
>Public Radio.
>
>
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