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Date sent:      Wed, 30 Aug 2000 06:54:00 -0500
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Subject:        Japanese CP, Japan-U.S. Secret Agreements on Nuclear Weapons
  and Their  Meaning


Japanese CP, Japan-U.S. Secret Agreements on Nuclear
Weapons and Their
Meaning ------------------------------------------------------------
From: Japanese Communist Party
<http://www.jcp.or.jp>http://www.jcp.or.jp, E-Mail:
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
=================================================
=====

Japan-U.S. Secret Agreements on Nuclear Weapons and Their
Meaning


The following is the text of speech (as prepared for delivery) by
Shoji Niihara, Japanese Communist Party International Commission
chairman, at the International Meeting of the 2000 World conference
against A & H Bombs, August 2 in Hiroshima:

1. Concerning the serious suspicion about the U.S. bringing of
nuclear
weapons into Japan, the whole picture of the secret agreements (*1)
between Tokyo and Washington finally came to light this year.
Based on
one of the agreements, the Japanese government gave the U.S. a
free
hand to maintain nuclear weapons on ships and aircraft entering
into
Japan, thus trampling on its own official declaration not to allow any
nuclear weapon into Japan. This is proof that the Japanese
government
has been telling a sheer lie to the Japanese people for the last 40
years. The people were filled with rage.

Nothing can depict more vividly Japan's position as a nuclear base
deeply enmeshed in U.S. nuclear strategy than revelation of the
existence and content of the Japan-U.S. secret agreements that
were
questioned successively during the Diet session in the first half of
this year by Tetsuzo Fuwa, the chairman of the JCP.

2. In the 50-year history of U.S. overseas nuclear deployment
policy,
Japan has consistently been positioned as an important nuclear
base in
Asia. When the overall occupation of Japan by the U.S. came to an
end,
an overseas nuclear war command center was established in the
central
part of Tokyo at the end of 1952 (*2). This was one of the two such
establishments in the whole world, with the other one located near
London. In 1953, the bringing in of nuclear weapons to Okinawa and
other parts of Japan started (*3).

But since the Daigo Fukuryumaru (Lucky Dragon) was exposed to
radioactive fallout from the H-bomb test at the Bikini Atoll, massive
public opposition to nuclear weapons spread throughout Japan, and
the
government that had tried to openly allow the bringing in of nuclear
weapons was driven to the wall by the strong protest and
resistance of
anti-nuclear public opinion (*4).

In the World Conference against A & H Bombs that started at the
exact
same time, protest against and opposition to the bringing in of
nuclear weapons has become a major issue, increasing in
importance
every year since the first conference. It has become a forum of
mobilizing public opinion to prevent nuclear weapons from being
brought into Japan. Faced with overwhelming public opposition to
the
entry of nuclear weapons, the Japanese government, in spite of its
faithful cooperation with the U.S. nuclear strategy, has often been
pretending in the statements that it disapprove of the bringing in of
nuclear weapons. The government thus deepened its dilemma.

Cornered by public opinion, the Kishi cabinet requested the U.S.
government, at the negotiating table for the revision of the
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty at the end of 1950s, to make the
bringing
in of nuclear weapons subject to prior consultation. The system of
prior consultation was thus introduced. The latest investigation,
however, completely exposed the fact that on that occasion the
Japanese and the U.S. governments signed a secret agreement on
nuclear
weapons that left transit of nuclear weapons by ships and aircraft
outside the jurisdiction of prior consultation (January 6, 1960) (*5).

This is clear evidence of the fact that the Japanese government
deceived and ridiculed the people for fear of the overwhelming public
opposition to the bringing in of nuclear weapons.

3.  Under the secret Japan-U.S. nuclear agreements, Japan was
made a
base for nuclear war by the U.S. against Japan's neighbors in Asia.
The secret agreement for transit of nuclear weapons is not only a
problem for Japan; it is a spear pointing at the Asian people,
menacing their hopes for peace.

Let us take one example to show how and to what extent the
system for
the bringing in of nuclear weapons into Japan has been a threat to
Asian countries.

Eleven years ago, a serious incident that occurred in December
1965
was disclosed: an attack plane equipped with an H-bomb on the
aircraft
carrier Ticonderoga fell into the sea and sank off Okinawa. It was
not
merely a matter of an H-bomb falling into the sea.

Mrs. Masayo Duus, a nonfiction writer who lives in the U.S.,
investigated the behavior of Ticonderoga at the time of the incident
by looking into the U.S. Navy documents and other related
materials
(*6). She proved with clear evidence that while engaged in bombing
Vietnam, using Yokosuka port as a foothold for its operations, the
carrier was also preparing for possible nuclear bombing of Vietnam;
that the accident in question occurred during a true-to-life practice
to respond immediately to an order to take off and carry out a
nuclear
attack against Vietnam. Two days after the crash of the
H-bomb-equipped plane into the sea off Okinawa, the carrier
Ticonderoga moved into Tokyo bay and moored at the U.S. Navy
base in
Yokosuka. According to an inside report by the U.S. Navy, the
carrier
was not discharged of its nuclear attack mission during the
moorage in
Yokosuka.

According to the diary of Lieutenant Senior Grade Douglas M.
Webster,
who died under water in his A4 Skyhawk equipped with the H-
bomb, more
than 50% of the training was for dropping nuclear bombs even while
engaged in conventional bombing of Vietnam (*7).

In short, an H-bomb-loaded carrier Ticonderoga, given free access
to
Japanese ports by the secret agreement for transit of nuclear
weapons,
was preparing step by step for a nuclear attack against Vietnam,
using
Japan as a foothold for the operation.

4. We must end the system allowing the bringing in of nuclear
weapons
inside the territory of Japan based on the secret agreements and
realize a non-nuclear Japan in the true sense of the word as soon
as
possible. Although there is no fundamental guarantee for it except
abrogation of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, the realization of a
non-nuclear Japan that will not allow U.S. nuclear weapons into
Japan
is an urgent task for eliminating the threat of nuclear war from Asia.
I call for activities to widely motivate public opinion for this
purpose.

In spite of the fact that the declassified U.S. Government
Documents
have revealed the secret agreements allowing transit of U.S. nuclear
weapons, the Japanese government refuses to carry out any kind of
investigation, but only keeps repeating, "There exist no such secret
agreements." On the other hand, what the government actually
does is
to interfere with Kochi prefecture in every possible way to prevent it
from declaring itself a "Nuclear-Free Port," following the example of
the "Declaration of Nuclear-Free City" by Kobe city.

While denying the existence of the secret agreements for bringing
in
of nuclear weapons, the government is actually doing its utmost to
maintain the system for transit of nuclear weapons into Japan.

Some people argue that because former President Bush
announced a
substantial withdrawal of tactical nuclear weapons from overseas,
the
issue of deployment of nuclear weapons abroad belongs to the
past. It
is not true. The U.S. government even now continues to store
nuclear
weapons in some NATO member countries in Western Europe,
while it
retains the system for the bringing in of nuclear weapons in case of
an emergency in Japan and some other countries.

Today, of all the nuclear powers, the U.S. government has the most
provocative, first nuclear strike policy worldwide. At the same time,
the U.S. is the only country among the nuclear powers that has an
official policy to deploy nuclear weapons overseas. These things are
two sides of the same coin. In recent years, the Pentagon has been
strengthening its first nuclear strike policy against some non-
nuclear
nations and China under the approval of President Clinton.
Research
for development of small nuclear weapons obligated by the fiscal
2001
defense authorization bill is not irrelevant to this development. The
overseas deployment of nuclear weapons is considered to be
indispensable for this dangerous U.S. policy.

It is urgently required that we prevent the bringing in of nuclear
weapons in any way into Japan and to make Japan a non-nuclear
nation
in the true sense of the word. Let us rouse overwhelming public
opinion. I emphasize that it is an urgent task in our effort to
realize peace in Asia free from the fear of nuclear attack, and free
from the threat of nuclear weapons. In order to achieve this goal, I
hope from the bottom of my heart for cooperation from friends in
Japan
and abroad.

(*Notes)

1. JCP Chairman Fuwa, in the House of Representatives debate in
March
and April 2000, brought up 12 declassified U.S. Government
Documents
including the full text of the "Record of Discussion," viz. the secret
agreement on prior consultation which was initialed between
Japanese
Foreign Minister Aiichiro Fujiyama and U.S. Ambassador to Japan
Douglas MacArthur II on January 6, 1960 in Tokyo, and he revealed
important moves in relation to this, involving the Japanese and U.S.
governments. Mr. Fuwa, based on these documents, questioned
then Prime
Minister Obuchi as well as Prime Minister Mori after the former's
death, about the Japanese government's position. This was the first
time that the whole picture of the Japan-U.S. secret agreements
about
the bringing of U.S. nuclear weapons into Japan, whose existence
has
been the subject of controversy for a long time, was brought to light
in the Japanese Diet on the strength of the declassified U.S.
Government Documents.

2. This is the Joint Coordination Center (JCC), a U.S. armed forces
nuclear war command center set up at Pershing Heights, Shinjuku-
ku,
Tokyo, where the Headquarters of the U.S. Forces Japan was
located in
those days.

3.  In spring 1953, surface-to-surface missiles (probably 280mm
atomic
cannons) were brought into Okinawa. AJ-1 Savage nuclear
bombers were
also brought into Atsugi Navy Air Station, Kanagawa prefecture, and
Mk-7 nuclear bombs into Komaki base, Aichi prefecture.

4. On March 14, 1955, Prime Minister Hatoyama, in a press
conference
for foreign correspondents, asked whether he would accept a
demand
that Japan house atomic bombs, answered, "If we are to approve of
peace by force as justifiable, then we have to accept it." (Asahi
Shimbun dated March 14, 1955 evening edition). But faced with
harsh
protests throughout the country, the prime minister later on had no
other choice but to retract the remark.

5. The secret agreement--"Record of Discussion" stipulates in
Clause C
of 2: "'Prior consultation' will not be interpreted as affecting
present procedures regarding the deployment of United States
armed
forces and their equipment into Japan and those for the entry of
United States military aircraft and the entry into Japanese waters
and
ports by United States naval vessels." This means that the
traditional
practice under the old Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, by which the
entry,
landing and departure by ships and aircraft carrying nuclear
weapons
to Japanese ports and airports were accepted without prior
consultation, would be left as it had been even after the introduction
of the prior consultation system.

6. Masayo Duus, "Submergence of an Attack Plane with an H-
Bomb--Death
of a top gun," published in Japanese by Kodansha Ltd., 1997,
Tokyo.

7. According to the aforementioned book by Masayo Duus,
Lieutenant
Senior Grade Douglas Webster kept a diary while he was on board
the
aircraft carrier Ticonderoga. As the carrier started attacking Vietnam
on November 5, 1965 with the Tonkin Gulf special operation waters
as
its stronghold, he wrote as follows:

"I've heard so often since I got on board this carrier that the
Vietnam front had greatly changed in the last several months. The
military situation has become more and more serious, and in fact a
far
greater number of pilots than the American people are told have
died
in crashes....(But) take the Fifth Carrier Air Group we are on, for
instance. As things stand now, we are still spending more than half
of
our flying exercises on those for nuclear weapons loading
procedures.
It looks as if the flying exercises for the essential conventional
weapons are being conducted during the intervals" (re-translated
from
Japanese).

** The 12 declassified U.S. Government Documents (re-typed) and
JCP
Chairman Fuwa's report at a gathering about this problem are
printed
in Japan Press Weekly Special Issue--August 2000.


Many Japanese Communist Party documents which have been
translated
into English are provided by Japan Press Service Co. Ltd.


The Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party 4-26-7
Sendagaya,Shibuya-ku,Tokyo 151-8586 E-mail:[EMAIL PROTECTED]


*End*




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