----- Original Message ----- From: Rachel <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: CubaSi <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Friday, September 01, 2000 3:07 AM Subject: [Cuba SI] Book Review of "Democracy in Cuba and the 1997-1998 elections" -------------------------- eGroups Sponsor -------------------------~-~> GET A NEXTCARD VISA, in 30 seconds! Get rates of 2.9% Intro or 9.9% Ongoing APR* and no annual fee! Apply NOW! http://click.egroups.com/1/7872/0/_/30563/_/967796503/ ---------------------------------------------------------------------_-> Hiya all: this is the book reveiw I have done on this wonderful book. Everyone should get a copy: it is a must for all of us trying to set the record straight on Cuban democracy. I took a while with this reveiw: my apologise to Arnold August: I have been pretty sick. Pass on the book reveiw if you would like to other lists interested in the Cuba democracy question. I am putting it in Green Left Weekly http://www.greenleft.org.au Revolutionary Cheers, Rachel E Democracy in Cuba and the 1997-98 Elections Arnold August Editorial Jose Marti, La Habana Cuba, 1999, 410 pages Canada Distribution and Publishing [EMAIL PROTECTED] Ever wanted an accurate description of Cuba's socialist democracy? Or to know how the Cuban People's Power structures work? Then this is the book for you. Tracing democracy in Cuba from the struggle against Spanish and US colonialism to Cuba's present day democratic structures, August Arnold breaths clarity into a discussion distorted by America's propaganda offensive. Given that the Cuban Revolution is the longest surviving socialist democracy, this book is highly significant, and should be on every revolutionary's bookshelf. While perhaps a little too uncritical, Arnold August has nevertheless provided readers with a crucial insight into Cuban democratic system. The Fight Against Spanish and US Colonialism August points out that the Spaniards knew Cuba as the "Ever-Faithful Isle". While most other Spanish colonies were rising up in the early to mid 1880's, the Cuban Creole elite, fearing the 40% slave population, kept the Spanish, and their military might, onside. Hence, the 1886 First War of Independence failed, due to the division in it's leadership. The only concession forced from the Spanish was farcical multi-party elections. The author chronicles the 1895 Second War of Independence, under the principled leadership of Jose Marti, which challenged the inherent conservatism of the Creole elite. However, on the eve of winning in 1898, the US entered the war and bought elections to Cuba under military rule. Even with only 5% of the population given the vote, the 1900 elections saw many independence fighters elected to the Constituent Assembly. Faced with intransigent elected officials the US forced the infamous Platt Amendment on the newly elected Cuban parliament. As the author documents, the Amendment gave the US the right to intervention "for the preservation of Cuban independence and the maintenance of a stable government adequately protecting life, property and individual liberty". By only one vote, in June 1901, the Cuban Assembly accepted the Platt Amendment. As "Democracy in Cuba" explores, from 1901 to 1952 Cuba was subjected to farcical US backed multi-Party elections which saw US backed Cuban politicians bribe, beat and rig their way into Parliament. US investment dominated the Cuban economy. By 1926 the majority of the sugar crop was produced by U.S. mills. 22% of all land and 90% of all electrical power was in the hands of the US. The Cuban masses did not take US subjugation lying down. As August explains, the most nerve wracking period for US was the 1933 uprising. The Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) was a significant political force and was frequently attacked by Liberal and Conservative governments alike. A near general strike led to a military take-over, led by Batista which ousted the Machado government. Strikes continued in the 40's and 50's and both Liberal and Conservative governments lost credibility and an inability to hold back the tide of anti-US change. In 1952 Batista's behind the scenes role ended, he took power and an open dictatorship period ensued, ensuring US dominance over the country. The Revolution of 1959 As Democracy in Cuba recounts: in 1953 a group of revolutionaries attacked the Moncada Barracks and the July 26 Movement was born. Fidel Castro, arrested, gave the famous "History Will Absolve Me" speech from the court room and inspired the nation to fight its neo-colonial oppressors. The anti-Batista struggle was led by three organisations. The J26M was made up of workers, intellectuals, students and peasants. Their position was strongest in the mountains, the Sierra Maestra, but they were involved in the urban struggle as well. Frank Pais a well known trade unionist in the J26M, joined after hearing Castro's History will Absolve Me. When Batista murdered Pais in 1957, **it** (the J26M or the murder?) led an unprecedented wave of strikes in Santiago, and in other cities as well. The Directrio Revolutionario 13 de Marzo was a student organisation and worked with J26M. The Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) was made up of mainly workers and concentrated on the urban struggle. Liberated Areas Democracy on Cuba explains the democratic structures of the Cuban Revolution as evolving through struggle. The liberated areas in the countryside (from 1954-59), (Territoro Libre) not only pushed the neo-colonial army out. They adopted new laws and introduced the first Workers and Peasant Congresses. Illiteracy in the areas was eradicated and agrarian reform initiated, among other initiatives. After the Revolution August chronicles the post-revolutionary experience. Revolutionary Militias formed, with workers and peasants being trained in military service. Revolutionary Tribunals were also formed to deliver justice to former Batista cronies and army officials. The gradual transformation of economic power into the hands of the people included land reform: all holdings restricted to 1000 hectares, with some exceptions of 3,333 hectares. Nationalisation of land and industry progressed between August and October 1960; 41% of land was expropriated, 95% or industry was nationalised, 98% construction, 95% transport, 75% retail and 100% wholesale trade. The links made between the three main revolutionary organisations was solidified in this time with unification, eventually leading to the Cuban Communist Party. As Castro said at the time "To the people whose desperate lives through life have been paved with the bricks of betrayals and false promises, we were not going to say: We will eventually give you what you need, but rather-Here have it, fight for it with all your might so that liberty and happiness may be yours". The 1959 Revolution, 60's and 70's: August highlights some of the policies of the revolutionary government, noting that between January and September of 1959, about 1,500 decrees and laws were enacted. Urban rent was reduced between 30-50%, telephone and electricity rates were reduced. Cane cutters wages were increased by 15%. The unemployed received jobs and discrimination against blacks was abolished. August argues the mass of Cubans were involved and leading the revolution, and that is made clear in the mass assemblies the provisional government held in 59 and beyond. August documents that the first, on Jan 17, attended by more than a million Cubans, was held to call on the people to defend the revolution and to decide what to do with Batista's agents. The next, on Jan 22 examined the prospect of elections. More than a million Cubans attended and booed down the elections proposal. August explains "In the minds of the people, elections were associated with the neo-colonial regime's multi-party system or the even more fraudulent elections under the open dictatorship, the last of which took place in 1958." Democracy in Cuba quotes the First Havana Declaration in Sept 2 1960, discussed at another mass assembly. "The National General Assembly of the People of Cuba expresses its conviction that democracy cannot consist only in an electoral vote, which is almost always fictitious and handled by big landlords and professional politicians, but in the rights of citizens to decide, as this Assembly of the People is now doing, their own destiny." At this meeting another proposal for elections was put to the people. People spontaneously chanted for over seven minutes against the holding of elections. More than one million people voted to approve The Havana Declaration. August describes early Cuban democracy involving more that just mass assembly meetings. Local governments were reorganised, with representatives of the mass organisations being elected onto local bodies. The Comites de Defensa de la Revolucion (CDRs) played another crucial role in organising and mobilising the people. Created in September 1960, in the wake of sabotage and US threats each side of the street had a CDR committee. In 1972 CDRs **were comprised of** (included?) 70% of the Cuban population. The book cites the failure to meet the 100,000 tons of sugar quota set by the provisional government as the catalyst for further institutionalising the revolution. The Cuban assessment was that the position of workers, as far as decision-making at the local level was concerned, had been increasingly reduced to a symbolic one. August argues it was acknowledged that, to a certain extent, the Party had placed too much emphasis on the day-to-day running of the state and the economic enterprises to the detriment of **the** (their?) role as moral and political authority. Measures adopted August documents ~~ the 1970s revamping ~~ of mass organisations and a clarification over the PCC's role. In many administrative positions workers began to replace PCC cadre. In May 1970 a pilot election project went ahead in the Province of Mananza. The pilot elections a success, the new constitution was discussed in the mass organisations and in workplaces. After this consultation a referendum was held with 98% of the population voting; **97.7%** (of the population or of the voters?) voting for the constitution. Elections took place across the country in 1976. By the 1980's one third of the national economy was under local municipal assembly (LMA) supervision. Between 1977-83 local industries under the supervision of LMAs tripled their output in value. The author stressed that mass meetings did not end with the introduction of elections to the Organs of People's Power. Mass workplace meetings took place during the 1986 "Rectification" period. The economic crisis in the 90s saw over 3,500,00 Cubans participate in 80,000 assemblies in which 1,000,000 speakers took the floor, raising 500 issues. Organs of People's Power: Elections in Cuba Arnold witnessed the 1997-98 elections in Cuba and gives a detailed account of the process. The Cuban electoral system broadly reflects a pyramid structure. Delegates are elected by the people to the municipal (local), provincial (covering 10-15 municipals) and National Assemblies. All delegates are accountable and recallable to the people who elected them. Most delegates don't receive a wage and have to continue their original job while working as a delegate. The paid delegates receive an average workers wage. Hence, there are no formal material privileges in becoming a delegate. Anyone who is over 16, and neither in prison nor deemed mentally unfit, can vote and become a delegate. All voting is voluntary. Cuban Elections to the local municipal assemblies (LMA) take place every 2.5 years and delegates to the National and Provincial Assemblies are elected for a 5 year term. All delegates to all levels are elected directly by the people. Prior to the 1992 changes only municipal delegates were directly elected. Democracy in Cuba explains the LMAs role. They take care of housing, food, health, education and plays an important political role: to involve the people in day to day running of their system. As Havana has 2 million people, there are 15 municipalities within it. Havana makes up one of Cuba's 14 Provinces. The LMAs are further divided up into constituents for elections. In the Plaza de la Revolucion municipal there are 104 delegates; one for every constituent. An average constituent covers six small blocks. Electoral Colleges are established, small enough for people to come, register and see who is registered to vote. On average there are 300 people per college. Voting takes place in these colleges. Nomination meetings for municipal elections take place in small nomination areas. Constituents are divided into smaller areas, with 100 or so people in it and nominations come from the floor. Meetings are held where people live, in the street, park or meeting hall. Anyone can turn up, but only registered persons can vote. At least two people must be nominated. Voters can nominate people not in their nomination area and political motivations, by law, have to follow nominations. From September 3-27 a total of 36,343 nomination assemblies had taken place. Municipal Elections The nominees submit a one paged biography which is placed in the electoral colleges for all to see. The biography lists their age, education, which organisations they're involved in and a blurb as to how they see their role as delegate. Most of the people in the constituent know the nominees already and the biographies stand as a reminder. The biographies are posted up for a month as life goes on as normal. No money enters the Cuban elections, there's no bribing for votes, no number crunching pre-selection process. Democracy in Cuba explains, according to law, PCC's plays no formal role in the electoral process. Contrary to US propaganda, anyone can get elected to Cuban Parliament. People vote for candidates who are known to them, and who they have listened to, and questioned. People who are anti-revolution can get elected: it's just that people don't elect them because their political perspectives are unpopular. Candidates aren't elected on the basis of their Party membership: they're elected on the role they have played in the community and the work they have done in Cuban society. On election day Cubans show their identity cards at the electoral colleges and the vote takes place under the eyes of schoolchildren. On October 1997 97.59% of the population voted. Only 3.98% were spoiled and 3.23% blank. Only 47.65% of the delegates were re-elected. Provincial and National Elections The Provincial Assembly oversees issues in its larger geographical area. Roads, child-care, education, health, are all overseen on a larger scale in the PA. The National Assembly, made up of 601 delegates, meets twice a year and has permanent working bodies which meet daily, weekly etc. The NA elects the 31 members of the Council of State which meets during the times the NA is not sitting. August explains the changes to the electoral system in 1992 which saw 50% of the municipal assembly delegates nominated and elected to the Provincial and National Assemblies. Delegates to the Provincial and National Assembly are people who are national leaders in their fields; from sports, to journalism, medicine, to politics. Nominees are not nominated primarily by local meetings, but through meetings of mass organisations and workplaces and neighborhoods on a local, provincial and national level. The process is overseen by the candidacy commissions (CCs) which are formed on all three levels. The National Candidacy Commission, prior to 1992 changes, was headed by someone appointed by the PCC. Now, the head of the Cuban trade union Federation (CTC) heads the commission. The commissions (local, provincial and national) cannot be headed by anyone nominated during the nominations process. Mass organisations, particularly the CDR's appoint activists to the candidacy commissions. By law, the CCs are required to consult as many people as possible in the nominations process. In 1997 there were 60,000 nominations from the consultation process. A list of 300 of the most people nominated gets taken back to the mass organisations, neighbourhoods and workplaces to see what support it gets. When that process is over the list of 300 gets taken to the newly elected Municipal Assembly and voted upon. According to August's research the 1997 national and provincial nomination process consulted 1,600,00 people. The Municipal Assembly can reject the 300 nomination slate in full or in part and can change/nominate other people. All pre-candidates must get 50% or more of the vote and if the 50% isn't reached then the Municipal Candidacy Commission must propose other candidates. When the vote is taken the candidates are allocated districts (electoral districts are proposed by the Municipal Candidacy Commission and not all delegates live in the district they're allocated) and the task of getting to know their district begins. Some of the candidates are well known national/local figures but even if that is the case all candidates must meet with workers and workplaces, in neighbourhood meetings, with students, within their alloted electoral district. So people have a chance to meet and question them. Biographies of candidates are also placed in the electoral colleges so people can read them at their leisure. In one district there might be eight people standing; three of whom are known locally. All eight meet with the district's constituency, to give people a chance to know them and have confidence to vote for them. One of the well known candidates for the Plaza de la Revolucion, studied by Arnold August, was Ricardo Alcon. At a meeting with workers on foreign trade Alcon addressed the "voto unido" (united vote) question. The united vote consists of people voting for everyone on the electoral slate presented by the candidacy commissions. Alcon said voto unido was not enforced through discipline and citizens can vote for who they wish, for more or no candidates. However should the less notable candidates not be voted for? The answer he gave was no: citizens must get to know all the candidates through meetings and reading the biographies, convincing themselves that all the candidates are worthy delegates and vote united. After almost two months of nominees meeting with the people, election day arrives. January 11 1998, almost 6 months after the process began and election day arrives. There are two ballots: one for deputies to the National Assembly and the other for the Provincial. 98.5% of the eligible population voted and 95.45% of the population cast a voto unido. The protest vote declined: from 3.99% in 1993 to 1.66% in 1998. At least 90% of the population voted for the revolution. Castro himself got more than 99% of the vote. [** Does everyone vote on Castro? Was this a vote for Castro to take a position in the national leadership, or just the national assembly? **] Of the 601 delegates elected, 166 are women. One hundred and eighty-nine delegates are between the ages of eighteen and forty, 374 are between the age of forty-one and sixty, and 38 deputies are older than 60 years of age. The only negative aspect of the book is the lack of acknowledgment given to former socialist democratic experiences in providing a precedent for Cuba's democratic system. August correctly argues that the Cuban workers have political and economic power, and that this is the basis for any real democracy. Nevertheless he overlooks the Marxist influence on Cuban democratic structures; i.e the Paris Commune of 1871 and Russian revolution pre-Stalin. Apart from that ommission, his account of Cubans own struggle against Spanish and U.S. colonialism and U.S. neo-colonialism as the impetus for the evolution of their own democratic model, is very thorough and convincing. August also ommitts the most exciting part of any democracy: debate and disagreements. Many Cuban delegates, while enthusiastic supporters of the revolution, will tell you of problems with the structure and lack of debate that characterise the National Assemblies. Perhaps more of these delegates points of view would have given a more balanced picture of Cuban democracy. Cuba SI - Imperialism NO! Information and discussion about Cuba. Socialism or death! Patria o muerte! Venceremos! http://www.egroups.com/group/cubasi Subscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Unsubscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Change Delivery Options: http://www.egroups.com/mygroups
