>From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Date: Sat, 9 Sep 2000 10:59:10 EDT
>Subject: Victory of Astrakhan Workers!
>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>RUSSIA INFO-LIST
>from International Solidarity with Workers in Russia - [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>ISWoR web-site - http://members.aol.com/ISWoR/english/index.html
>************************************************************
>THE STORY:
>Victory of Astrakhan Workers!
>
>On Friday, 7th September 2000 at 4pm, at the end of a 5-day long, round-the
>clock highway blockade conducted against a huge gas processing plant, over
>200 Zaschita trade union workers and several local communities celebrated
>their complete victory. The enterprise, employing 10,000 workers, belongs to
>the giant gas monopoly Gazprom, and is situated near Astrakhan, in southern
>Russia, by the Caspian Sea.
>
>The victory represents yet another example of successful union militancy, and
>why Zaschita (Defence), the all-Russia trade union, is growing so much in
>recent years.
>
>In numerous small towns surrounding the Gazprom plant, which lies16 km to the
>north-east of Astrakhan city, hundreds of workers and their families who live
>in the worker-settlements and indigenous communities have over the years
>fallen victim to rampant industrial pollution, to cancer, lung diseases and
>sulphur poisoning.
>
>After discussions with Oleg Shein, their parliamentary representative (the
>only Marxist in the Duma, who is also co-chair of the all-Russia Zaschita
>union), a hundred local workers accompanied by Shein blockaded the highway
>across which trucks of sulphur continually enter the plant. Their demand was
>simply that 300 homes be built in a safe area for workers living close to the
>plant - and that the settlements closest to the plant be evacuated. Before
>long, dozens of trucks loaded with sulphur were lined up at the blockade
>unable to pass.
>
>Deputy Shein immediately made an international appeal for protest faxes and
>e-mails to Putin and the regional authorities. The Governor for the Astrakhan
>region, Guzhvin, refused to talk with the workers - which greatly angered
>many people in the Astrakhan region. Over the next three days the blockade
>grew with up to 200 Gazprom workers joining in the picket and many others.
>The workers stopped all transport of chemicals to the plant, but allowed food
>and other supplies through. The local Communist Party (CPRF) officer
>Vostretsov (who is also a manager of a small Gazprom business) turned up
>urging workers to go home. In quick return the workers voted unanimously to
>send him packing - and he was escorted away from the red flags flying over
>the workers barricades. But much more was happening behind the scenes too.
>
>Last May, about the time of the first successful All-Russia Day of Action to
>Defend the Present Labour Code, organised by Zaschita, the first "people���s
>committee" was created in one local worker-settlement, which involved not
>just workers, but also conducted mass meetings of all the population of the
>settlement. Suddenly last week, new "Soviets" were being rapidly established
>in the company towns of Molodyozhny, SU-6, SMP-255 and UM-6. Then two
>villages joined in, Kuianly and Aisapai. They were joined on the blockades by
>people from other local towns and from Astrakhan itself, bringing food,
>clothing and comradeship to the workers barricades.
>
>One reason for this degree of community solidarity, was that under the old
>Soviet system, the plant was responsible for housing its workers, and for
>repairs. Low rents were maintained. But now Gazprom was hiving off the
>housing and selling to the local council; was increasingly refusing to employ
>people from the local settlements, as that was more expensive. Then last year
>under the worst housing conditions, rents were suddenly raised to levels
>twice as high as that of much better housing in Astrakhan city. The tenants
>protested, but despite promises, rents were not reduced. This provoked the
>formation of the first "people���s committee" last May. In Shein���s own
>words,
>"The structure of these new people���s committees are reminiscent of the
>Soviets earlier this century, chosen by the population, holding regular
>meetings on broad questions, including the question of power. .." Unlike the
>mockery that Stalin later made of this early soviet system, the growth and
>spread of truly democratic fighting committees is what is needed.
>
>In short, Gazprom was deeply abusing the local population, employing more and
>more from Astrakhan city, and local unemployment was soaring. And now
>Gazprom, whilst claiming that re-settlement of the workers is the local
>council���s responsibility, is at the same time fighting to get the officially
>recognised contamination area reduced from its current radius of 8km from the
>plant, to 3km - which would eliminates the obligation to resettle most of the
>affected population. It is a question on which Oleg Shein had been fighting
>locally and in the Duma for some time now.
>
>Back to the blockade. Wednesday night the police went away, and men (probably
>FSB agents) in workers clothes brought in cases of vodka - but the trick was
>seen through and they were forced away - vodka and all. The next morning,
>General Khvatkov, the regional police chief, arrived at the blockade
>threatening Oleg Shein and "people���s committee" leaders with criminal
>charges, and promising the use of force to break down the blockade. The
>general���s words had an unintended effect, and he and his guards were quickly
>sent packing back to Astrakhan.
>
>Strikingly, local police officers at the barricades increasingly and openly
>expressed support for the struggle of the workers and their communities. By
>now messages of support from all over the world were coming in fast as
>International Solidarity with Workers in Russia (ISWoR) and others, worked
>hard to spread the news. Protests letters- especially from Europe, Latin
>America and North America - began to hit the authorities. Sotsprof union and
>the International Workers Party made some large donations to help the
>blockade continue.
>
>And further, television reporters were arriving. Local radio stations advised
>the people of Astrakhan to support the blockade. Flying pickets hit the
>Regional Administration buildings in the city in the last two days. Municipal
>workers were now supporting the blockade, along with the North Caspian
>Shipworkers union. The Astrakhan Tram and Bus drivers unions, which had just
>weeks earlier joined Zaschita, helped in the actions and passed resolutions
>in support (these transport workers had just won an extra 12 days annual
>holiday with assistance from Zaschita). There were now many solidarity
>meetings being organised in numerous workplaces in Astrakhan region.
>
>It quickly began to overwhelm the authorities and Gazprom. The Governor, at
>10am on Thursday 7th September, turned up at the blockade asking if, after
>all, it would be OK to have negotiations, and this was agreed. They involved
>Shein, Zaschita and reps of the people���s committees on one side; and the
>Governor Guzhvin and Gazprom Director Shchugorev on the other. The 300 new
>homes were offered - but with the stipulation that Gazprom would allocate
>them, giving most of them to administrative staff and managers. The community
>"soviet" reps then conducted a mass meeting. There Shein gave information
>about the high level of international solidarity from all over the world,
>which helped raise the morale of the workers . He explained the offer that
>had been made. The people at the mass meeting said they wanted more. Shortly
>after this, Oleg Shein (who is not known at all for over-statement) told me
>by phone from the barricades, that they were "in a local revolutionary
>situation", that "an insurrection was entirely possible" in that entire
>industrial district north of Astrakhan - unless there was a complete and
>utter climb-down by the bosses and authorities�Ķ "No compromises at all!" was
>the message of the mass meeting.
>
>On Friday morning new negotiations occurred, and after this, the mass meeting
>at 3pm declared an important victory. Firstly the communal tariffs (rent and
>rates) were cut in half. And also, the workers had now 320 homes, 20 to be
>provided within weeks, the rest during 2001. Allocation of all the homes was
>to be under complete control of the new "community soviets". There would be
>no charges, arrests, nor wage deductions for any of the actions taken by the
>Gazprom workers or anyone else in connection with the 5 day blockade.
>Further, the new "community soviets" informed the bosses that they reserve
>the right to resume the blockade if the agreement is broken in any way.
>
>The first thing to be mentioned regarding this outright victory is the
>example set by Deputy Oleg Shein, and the important role of clear-headed
>leadership alongside full worker and community participation and immediate
>democratic accountability. Comrade Shein, like all the best militants in
>those five days, despite little sleep, was continually active on the blockade
>and working for its success. This is what a workers��� Deputy should be doing.
>
>The second is that the lessons of this exemplary struggle need to be
>assimilated not just by Russian workers, but also by the active workers
>movement world-wide. In particular, that of relating the demands of any
>struggle to the existing consciousness of workers. Through the struggle
>itself, political awareness and wider demands become part of the changing
>consciousness of workers - all the way to the forming of democratic community
>soviets - where "the question of power" is raised.
>
>The restoration of the market system has meant that the old health and safety
>norms (though themselves often inadequate) may be abandoned altogether by
>employers anxious to maximise profits and cut costs. Pollution and other
>environmental problems have soared, while adequate medical care is now a
>luxury reserved for the rich. In July workers at another Gazprom plant, Vega,
>many of them gravely ill after a decade of dealing with radioactive nuclear
>waste without protective clothing, launched an international appeal for
>protests - see the ISWoR website. Meanwhile in Rostov, workers who had been
>refused compensation for illnesses connected with their involvement in the
>Chernobyl clean-up went on strike.
>
>Russian workers affected by radiation, chemical poisoning or other
>work-related illness are being left for dead by the government and their
>employers; they need our international support.
>
>ISWoR thanks Oleg Shein in particular, and other comrades of the Movement for
>a Workers Party for providing us with detailed information that formed the
>basis of most of the above important story. I take however, responsibility
>for any mistakes that may have occurred due to verbal language difficulties
>in verbal conversations with Shein. Also, thanks to Steve Kerr, Toronto, for
>the translation of several e-mails.
>
>Steve Myers
>
>for International Solidarity with Workers in Russia - ISWoR
>http://members.aol.com/ISWoR/english/index.html
>***********************************************************
>If you have something you would like to distribute on Russia Info-List, or
>want to help in our practical solidarity work, contact: >[EMAIL PROTECTED]<
>Box R, 46 Denmark Hill, London, SE5 8RZ, England
>
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