>> (Ankara) massacre took place, in which seven students were brutally
>> murdered.
>> And there were many more incidents.
>> The daily death toll was not below 20 to 30. And it increased every day.
>> On December 24, 1978, this time not just revolutionaries and progressives
>> but an entire generation of human beings was shaken by the Maras massacre.
>> The fascist murderers massacred poor people in Maras with automatic weapons,
>> they did not discriminate between children, the elderly and women. Girls
>> were raped in front of their families, dynamite was shoved into women's
>> sexual organs and detonated, breasts were cut off, people were burned or
>> nailed to walls and trees. Their houses were burnt down and belongings
>> plundered. Even hospitals were attacked in order to finish off the wounded.
>> There was no limit to the horror.
>> That day in Maras there were not just five or ten people killed, but an
>> official death toll of 111. There were thousands of wounded.
>> Another 11 people were killed during protest demonstrations over Maras.
>> Another massacre at Corum followed Maras.
>> This repulsive aggression targeted everyone except the followers of fascism,
>> and the brutality of fascism was felt everywhere. So these years are
>> remembered as years of pure fascism, since the savagery was so keenly felt.
>> But it would be a mistake to understand fascism simply from these examples.
>> Because sometimes as at the end of the 1970s, it made use of evil fascist
>> attacks and juntas, and at other times it used juntas. Then the massacres
>> and torture were carried out by juntas. And at other times like now it
>> resorts to "disappearances" and torture and killing by "unknown
>> perpetrators". Today the number of disappeared and killed by torture and
>> massacres is not less than at earlier times.
>> And the common point of all these fascist attacks, regardless of their form,
>> is that they are opposed to the struggle of the people and their demands for
>> freedom. The main aim is to silence and intimidate the people and continue
>> exploitation. As we mentioned above, fascism is a form of rule and we call
>> fascism in our country Colonial-Type Fascism.
>> This means that the existing regime is fascist and whichever party is in
>> power, reality does not change.
>> THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATE TODAY
>> Today in our country there is no party that calls itself fascist. Nor could
>> there be. Even the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party, the "Grey Wolves") does
>> not call itself fascist because fascism has been condemned by the peoples of
>> the world. For thousands of years the sorrow that fascism has caused will
>> not be forgotten by the peoples of the world.
>> In reality, fascism is not the enemy of a certain nation or country, but the
>> enemy of all the peoples. It is insidious and back-stabbing. Because it
>> always rules through deceit and demagogy. Therefore it is a most dangerous
>> enemy.
>> When we look at our country we can see this fact clearly. For example, the
>> speeches of statesmen are full of lies and manipulation. Whatever they say
>> today can easily be forgotten tomorrow, and quite shamelessly they will deny
>> something they said only a short while before. Especially during elections,
>> they make promises and do not keep them. They claim they are the
>> representatives of the people, but without the permission of TUSIAD (Turkey'
>> s employers' and big business confederation) or the USA, they will not lift
>> a finger. Whoever became the Prime Minister visited the USA at least once
>> after taking office. The most recent example is Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit
>> 's visit. When Clinton treated him like a servant, the media in Turkey tried
>> to present this as something to be proud of. There are many examples of
>> this. But their biggest lie is that the state is democratic. Of course there
>> is a constitution, parliament and political parties, and courts to intervene
>> in cases of wrong-doing. The military are in their barracks for the moment
>> and there are plenty of elections. Everyone can vote as they wish. Even the
>> press can issue criticisms. There are also plenty of books and magazines.
>> They say, "How can we be any more democratic than this?"
>> Then what is the reality of fascism in our country? Wherever fascism has
>> been institutionalised. to answer this question we have to analyse the
>> institutions which constitute the state. Because the meaning of a state
>> being fascist is that its institutions are fascist.
>> What are these institutions?
>> The legislature, that is, parliament.
>> The administration, the governments consisting ministries and related
>> bureaucracies.
>> The judiciary, that is, the courts.
>> The military which defends the security of the country and protects the
>> borders.
>> The state consists of all these institutions and its duties are defined by
>> the constitution.
>> Of course we should not forget the civilian fascists, because they are
>> always an auxiliary force of the fascist state and the mass basis of
>> fascism. This is also how they see themselves. Foe example, they always take
>> part in the funeral ceremonies for soldiers and police. When the police kill
>> revolutionaries, the civilian fascists turn up and applaud. When the state
>> seeks new recruits for contra-guerrilla teams, recruits whose duties require
>> inhuman barbarity such as cutting off ears and noses and slashing throats,
>> it can find these recruits in the MHP and Idealist Hearths (Ulku Ocaklari -
>> in Turkey, the fascists often call themselves "idealists").
>> THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THESE INSTITUTIONS
>> In democratic countries the legislature, judiciary and administration are
>> independent of each other. They cannot influence each other. In fascist
>> regimes, on the other hand, the administration is everything. For example,
>> when Hitler and his party gained power, all the institutions of the state
>> were under its control. The same is true of Mussolini and his party.
>> In our country they say that the three institutions are separate. But this
>> is just words. In reality all these institutions are under the control and
>> at the disposal of the MGK (National Security Council). This reality was
>> exposed clearly, especially after Susurluk. For instance in 1997, the famous
>> "February 28 decisions" were taken by the MGK. Also, the implementation of
>> these decisions is under the control of the MGK. The MGK consists of the
>> General Staff and all the top military men, the Prime Minister and some of
>> the ministers. they meet once a month and all sorts of decisions are taken
>> in relation to ruling the country. The President chairs these meetings.
>> Today not a single regulation or law passed by the parliament of the Council
>> of Ministers can be implemented without the authorisation of the MGK. The
>> MGK is the top and only body of the legislature, judiciary and
>> administration.
>> Within the structure of the MGK, the military is dominant. This means that
>> the decisions of the MGK are actually the decisions of the military. In
>> other words, the military forces its directives upon these three
>> institutions by means of the MGK.
>> What if they don't agree with that?
>> That is totally out of the question, because the MGK is under the protection
>> of the constitution. When the duties of the MGK are defined in the
>> constitution it is written that "the MGK makes recommendations which have to
>> be obeyed." The meaning of this is very clear. The recommendations of the
>> MGK must be implemented by the government. Because of mutual rivalries, if
>> these decisions are not implemented or there is backsliding, then what
>> happened to the Refah (Welfare) Party will be repeated. (Note: Refah, an
>> Islamist party, was closed down by the MGK in 1997-98 despite being the most
>> electorally popular party in Turkey.) Let's remember that when the Islamist
>> part of society represented by Refah came into conflict with the MGK
>> programme, the Refah Party fell right away and was even closed down. Its
>> leaders were prohibited from taking any further part in political activity,
>> and instead a "soft" version of Refah, the Fazilet (Virtue) Party, was
>> established.
>> We have mentioned that all the institutions that constitute the state are
>> fascist. This means the parliament is fascist. How does this happen?
>> In fact this is the most complex part of the arguments about whether or not
>> there is fascism in our country. There are many parties, so many MPs, and
>> alongside the fascists like the BBP (Great Unity Party) and MHP, there are
>> also MPs who are at least not fascist. Sometimes they oppose torture and
>> even support the struggle of the Mothers of the Disappeared. Then why do we
>> say parliament is a fascist institution? Parliament is the uppermost body of
>> the state in democratic countries. Laws and legislation are made, changed,
>> decisions and programmes of governments are accepted or rejected. But we
>> have already mentioned that in our country the uppermost institution is the
>> MGK.
>> Secondly, what is the point of the uppermost institution not having armed
>> forces at its disposal? None. Because without armed force there is no
>> ability to force others to accept decisions. In our country the authority to
>> use the armed forces and the authority of parliament to use the armed forces
>> has been taken away by the constitution. This authority belongs to the
>> President, which means that without the knowledge of parliament the
>> President can even declare war or take similar decisions. This situation is
>> the most important proof that parliament is a puppet institution.
>> On the other hand, since fascist regimes like the one in our country call
>> themselves democratic, it permits certain institutions of a parliamentary
>> (democratic) regime. It gives people the right to vote, but the political
>> parties and electoral laws are regulated in such a way that fascism does not
>> give a chance to any parties that might harm the system. Our people often
>> use the following phrase to describe the situation: "Voting for the one who
>> is least bad." During elections, people vote not to select the desired party
>> or MP, but to elect the least undesirable party or MP . Fascism does not
>> permit anything outside of the choices it puts forward. All the successful
>> parties provide for the implementation of fascism under a false cover of
>> democracy.
>> What does this mean?
>> In reality these parties do not differ from one another. In principle, they
>> are all the mouthpieces of the oligarchy and imperialism. Therefore we call
>> all these parties bourgeois parties. They heavily criticise each other as if
>> there is any difference between them, but when they are in power no
>> difference is perceptible.
>> All governments up to and including the present one are formed with the
>> support of the TUSIAD and imperialism. This collaboration is committed
>> openly. Even the head of the Refah Party, Erbakan, who claims that he is the
>> representative of the Islamist section of society and called the USA the
>> "great Satan", had to ask for the approval of the USA when he became Prime
>> Minister (1996). He even had to change his image in order to obtain this
>> approval.
>> The oligarchy and imperialism never support just one party. In accordance
>> with the current conditions, whichever party can best protect their
>> interests will be supported by them. For instance, yesterday the ANAP
>> (Motherland Party), or the DSP (Democratic Left Party) and today the
>> coalition of ANAP and DSP. ANAP is called a centre-right party, the DSP is
>> centre-left, but both can only stay in power as long as they protect the
>> interests of imperialism and the oligarchy. When they are used up, and are
>> in a situation in which they cannot carry out their policies, they are
>> replaced by other parties of the oligarchy. Today, the MHP is an example of
>> this.
>>
>>
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