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******************************************************
Friday, September 29, 2000
1. Final results of presidential election
2. Jovanovic: Yugoslavia will pursue policy of equality and cooperation
3. Ivanov reiterates Russi'a stance on Yugoslavia
4. Dini urges calm post-election situation in Yugoslavia
5. China: elections in Yugoslavia are not over yet
6. Chinese paper: West does not care for Serbian people
7. Le Monde urges diplomatic caution
8. Greek media:: Yugoslavs spurn West's criticism of Sundau polls
9. US-Senate: Supporting democracy in Serbia
10. Chossudovsky: Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
******************************************************
FEDERAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION ANNOUNCES FINAL RESULTS OF PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTION
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) - The Federal Electoral Commission
announced early on Thursday the final results of the Yugoslav presidential
election, which show that none of the candidates has won over 50 percent of
the votes and that a runoff election will therefore have to be held.
According to the Federal Parliament Press Service, the elections were
democratic and fair and the Commission had received no complaints from any
of the polling stations regarding the regularity of the presidential election.
At its session late on Wednesday, the Commission adopted a decision on
determining the results of the federal presidential election. According to
the results from 10,673 polling stations, the turnout was 69.7 percent, or
5,053,428 voters out of the total electorate of 7,249,831, and the
percentage of invalid ballots was 2.68.
The presidential candidates won the following number of votes:
- Miodrag Vidojkovic 46,421 or 0.92 percent
- Vojislav Kostunica 2,474,392 or 48.96 percent
- Slobodan Milosevic 1,951,761 or 38.62 percent
- Vojislav Mihailovic 146,585 or 2.90 percent
- Tomislav Nikolic 292,759 or 5.79 percent
On the basis of these results, the Commission took note that none of the
candidates won the necessary majority of votes in the first round and ruled
that a runoff election will be held according to law. The two candidates
with the highest number of votes - Vojislav Kostunica and Slobodan
Milosevic - will run in the second round, that the Commission scheduled for
Sunday, October 8, 2000.
**************************************************************
YUGOSLAVIA WILL PURSUE POLICY OF EQUALITY AND COOPERATION
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Foreign Minister Zivadin
Jovanovic said late on Wednesday that the victory of the leftists'
coalition of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the Yugoslav Left (JUL)
and the Socialist National Party of Montenegro (SNP) at the parliamentary
elections
guarantees that the policy of defending freedom, independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity and of cooperation with all countries on the
basis of equality will continue to be pursued.
Speaking for Radio-Television Serbia (RTS), Jovanovic said that media and
political pressure against Yugoslavia by both foreign and domestic,
so-called independent media, intensifies, all in order to present the
situation as it suits them.
"It is well-known that the US policy in countries such as Yugoslavia is
based on the people and organizations that materially depend on the United
States," said Jovanovic.
Discussing the international policy, he stressed that Yugoslavia has
intensive contacts and friendly relations with representatives of countries
all around the world.
"The majority of countries gladly accept Yugoslavia as a friend and a
partner in bilateral cooperation at the international scene," said Jovanovic.
Our policy - the policy of defending freedom, independence and respect of
principles, of equal cooperation with all countries, above all our
neighbours, is highly respected, stressed Jovanovic noting that " the
process of normalization of Yugoslavia's status in many international
organizations is moving forward."
*******************************************************
IVANOV REITERATES RUSSIA'S STANCE ON YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, Sep 28 (Tanjug).- Russian Foreign Minister reiterated Thursday
Moscow's firm stance that the people of Yugoslavia must be free to take
their own decisions without any foreign or internal pressures. Ivanov told
Itar-tass that destabilization would benefit only those forces which do not
want to preserve Yugoslavia's unity or to restore its position on
international political stage.
Ivanov thus confirmed his Wednesday statement regarding the situation in
Yugoslavia following last Sunday's presidential and federal parliamentary
elections. Russian foreign ministry also said two days ago that any
attempt at destabilizing Yugoslavia was unacceptable.
***********************************************************
DINI URGES CALM POST-ELECTION SITUATION IN YUGOSLAVIA
ROME, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - Italian Foreign Minister Lamberto Dini said in
Rome on Thursday it was extremely important that the situation concerning
Yugoslavia's elections should continue to be calm, without excitement. Dini
quoted the official results posted by the Yugoslav Central Electoral
Commission, according to which opposition presidential candidate Kostunica
secured 48.9 percent of the vote, and the incumbent, Milosevic, 38.6
percent. A run-off poll is a legal possibility and thus a democratic
instrument, and one that should be taken, according to Dini.
**********************************************************
CHINA: ELECTIONS IN YUGOSLAVIA ARE NOT OVER YET
PEKING, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - The elections in Yugoslavia have not been
completed yet and it is not known at this time who the president will be,
Chinese Foreign Ministry representative Sun Yuxi said on Thursday.
Pointing out the results announced by the Yugoslav federal Electoral
Commission, Sun told a regular press conference that these elections are
exclusively an internal affair of Yugoslavia and underscored that China
respects the choice of the Yugoslav people. He said he hoped Yugoslavia
would preserve its political stability and achieve economic and social
growth. Sun expressed hope that Chinese-Yugoslav relations would continue
to grow and pointed out that China and Yugoslavia have maintained, and will
continue to maintain, economic and trade cooperation on the grounds of
equality and mutual benefits, cooperation which is in the interests and
beneficial to the peoples of both countries. China has repeatedly announced
over the past few days that foreign interference in the internal affairs of
a country, or in the electoral and post-election process in Yugoslavia, is
unacceptable.
************************************************************
WEST DOES NOT CARE FOR SERBIAN PEOPLE
BEIJING, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - Chinese media carried on Thursday a Yugoslav
Electioral Commission statement that incumbent President Slobodan Milosevic
and the opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica must undergo a second round
of elections on Oct 8 as neither won a majority in the first.
Chinese Worker's Daily said in a commentary on the Yugoslav elections that
the West does not care for free and fair elections in Yugoslavia or for the
future of Serbian people, but only for its own interests, as demonstrated
by its economic, political and even military pressures against Yugoslavia.
The daily warns that this is gross interference in the internal affairs of
Yugoslavia, adding that the chief aim of the West is to use pressure to
overthrow the current government in Belgrade.
Illustrating the media and other forms of pressure, the daily said that
the western media announced immediately after polling stations closed
Sunday evening that "President Slobodan Milosevic lost the elections".
Pointing to other means of gross interference of the West, the daily
stressed "threats and promises" of the West as regards economy, quoting
some western officials who said that the sanctions against Yugoslavia would
be strenghtened if the election results were not in conformity to their
will. Media in Beijing stressed that Russia urged the West against
destabilizing Yugoslavia, quoting Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov's
statement that the Yugoslav people have full freedom to express their will
without internal or external pressure.
**********************************************************
LE MONDE URGES DIPLOMATIC CAUTION
PARIS, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - French media are still carefully following the
Yugoslav elections for president and federal deputies which were held on
Sunday, Sept 24.
French television reported in prime-time news on Thursday, through its
Belgrade correspondent, that the Federal Electoral Commission had announced
a presidential run-off for Oct 8. Most French dailies also carried this
report. Le Monde said that western leaders, who are carefully following
developments in Belgrade, were taken by surprise with this announcement.
In a special analysis, the Paris daily specified that this uncertain
situation was a result of a situation where "self-proclaimed president
Vojislav Kostiunica claims he has won the necessary votes in the first
round," while incumbent President Slobodan Milosevic is following the
Constitutional procedure and "sticking to legality."
The analysis said that no-one in the west actually knows how to deal with
such a situation. "It is no solution to engage oneself on Kostunica's side
more than this is necessary with the usual diplomatic caution," said Le Monde.
Le Monde said there were differences on this issue among European Union
countries, claiming, for instance, that Greece and Italy "maintain
different stands."
*********************************************************
GREEK MEDIA: YUGOSLAVS SPURN WEST'S CRITICISM OF SUNDAY POLLS
ATHENS, Sept 27 (Tanjug) - Greek media reports on Yugoslav polls focus on
Wednesday on the Central Electoral Commission's statement that none of the
presidential candidates won outright, and the claim of victory by the
opposition for their candidate Vojislav Kostunica.
The newspapers To Vima, Exusia, Eleftherotypos and others quote the
Commission's statement on Tuesday that, according to returns processed thus
far, Kostunica had secured 48.22 percent of the votes, and incumbent
Slobodan Milosevic, 40.23 percent.
The media say the Greek government refuses to comment on the Sunday
presidential and parliamentary polls in Yugoslavia and local polls in the
Yugoslav republic of Serbia pending the publication of final results. They
go on to stress that Russia does not accept the West's allegations about
election irregularity, and describes the elections as fair.
Athens press notes that Yugoslav people, as well as politicians of both
blocs, refuse to accept criticism in the form of ultimatums, such as that
voiced by British Foreign Minister Robin Cook alleging election
irregularities. The Athens News, published in English, quotes a Belgrade
opposition supporter as saying that NATO and the West should stay out of
Yugoslavia's elections, because the people have not forgotten last year's
78-day NATO air campaign against Yugoslavia.
**********************************************************
AP Worldstream
September 27, 2000; Wednesday 1:59 PM Eastern Time
Croatia's president said Wednesday that the West should maintain sanctions
against Yugoslavia until Belgrade starts cooperating with the U.N. tribunal
in The Hague and extradites suspected war criminals.
Following are comments by Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE) on the Senate floor on
9/26/00 re the elections in Serbia. They fully illustrate why action on HR
1064, a bill purportedly aimed at supporting democracy in Serbia, would be
counterproductive. Once again, this bill would help save the Clinton
policy (and possibly save Milosevic too), not help get Milosevic out of power.
Senator Biden says that "We, the Congress, are saying to the people of
Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their Government,
it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the Serbian people." But
a simple reading of the balance of his comments show that that is clearly
not the case: under HR 1064 sanctions punishing Serbia -- not Milosevic and
his black-market gang -- will be codified and kept in place (with some
unspecified "flexibility" generously promised by Sec. Albright) until
Kostunica complies with every demand from Washington, including sending all
indicted war criminals to The Hague. Kostunica has stated that he will not
do so, and as a patriot is he is no less
willing to send any of his countrymen to The Hague than any real American
would be to send any U.S. citizen, however criminal he might be, to be
tried by a United Nations court.
The fact that this bill is a weapon aimed not at Milosevic but at Kostunica
or any other democratic successor -- and that Kostunica has been condemned
in advance as an "ultra-nationalist" if he does not agree to become exactly
the quisling Milosevic accuses him of being -- is betrayed by the following
comments near the end:
" To be blunt: respect for Dayton and cooperation with The Hague Tribunal
must be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia. I fervently
hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav elections. If he
does, the United States should immediately extend to him a sincere hand of
friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending legislation. . . .
If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his
undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then we
must disabuse him of this notion. Should our West European allies choose
to embrace a post-Milosevic , democratically elected, but
ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say to them `good luck; we'll
concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia on preparing democratic and
prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO enlargement, on continuing
to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro."
SUPPORTING DEMOCRACY IN SERBIA (Senate - September 26, 2000)
[Page: S9251] GPO's PDF
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, on another matter which relates to another form
of human rights, I wish to speak to the legislation we are going to bring
up tomorrow, the Serbian Democratization Act of 2000. I am an original
cosponsor of this legislation. I am told that tomorrow we are going to get
a chance to deal with this issue.
As everyone knows, Slobodan Milosevic is on the ropes. Despite Milosevic's
massive systematic effort to steal Sunday's Yugoslav Presidential election,
his state election commission had to admit that the opposition candidate
Vojislav Kostunica won at least the plurality of the votes already counted;
48.22 percent to be exact.
According to opposition poll watchers, Kostunica in all probability
actually won about 55 percent of the vote, which would have obviated the
need for a two-candidate second-round runoff with Milosevic , which now
seems likely.
It is still unclear whether the democratic opposition will go along with
this semi-rigged, desperation plan of Milosevic's to hang on by rigging the
runoff. Even if Milosevic loses the runoff and is forced to recognize the
results of the election, he may still attempt to hold on to the levers of
power through his control of the federal parliament and of the Socialist
Party with its network of political cronies
and corrupt businessmen.
He may use the classic tactic of provoking a foreign crisis by trying to
unseat the democratically elected, pro-Western government in Montenegro, a
move I warned against on this floor several months ago.
We will have to wait and see for a few days before knowing exactly how the
situation in Yugoslavia is going to develop, but there is no doubt
whatsoever as to who the primary villain in this drama is. It was, it is,
and it continues to be Slobodan Milosevic , one of the most despicable men
I have personally met, and, as everyone in this Chamber knows, a man who
has been indicted by The Hague Tribunal for war crimes and is the chief
obstacle to peace and stability in the Balkans.
Therefore, it should be--and has been--a primary goal of U.S. foreign
policy to isolate Milosevic and his cronies, and to assist the Serbian
democratic opposition in toppling him.
Earlier this year, with this goal in mind, the Serbian Democratization Act
of 2000 was drafted in a bipartisan effort. It is particularly timely that
the Senate consider this legislation tomorrow, precisely at the moment
when the Serbian people have courageously voted against Milosevic's tyranny
that has so thoroughly ruined their country during the last decade.
I would like to review the main provisions of the legislation we will be
voting on tomorrow and then propose alternative strategies for our
relations with Serbia, depending upon the outcome of the elections.
The act supports the democratic opposition by authorizing $50 million for
fiscal year 2001 to promote democracy and civil society in Serbia and $55
million to assist the Government of Montenegro in its ongoing political
and economic reform efforts. It also authorizes increasing Voice of
America and Radio Free Europe broadcasting to Yugoslavia in both the
Serbo-Croatian and Albanian languages.
Second, the act prescribes assistance to the victims of Serbian oppression
by authorizing the President of the United States to use authorities in the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to provide humanitarian assistance to
individuals living in Kosovo for relief, rehabilitation, and
reconstruction, and to refugees and persons displaced by the conflict.
Third, the act we will vote on tomorrow codifies the so-called `outer wall'
of sanctions by multilateral organizations, including the international
financial institutions.
I talked about this with Senator Voinovich of Ohio, and we agreed that we
have to give the President more flexibility in this area.
Fourth, it authorizes other measures against Yugoslavia, including blocking
Yugoslavia's assets in the United States; prohibits the issuance of visas
and admission into the United States of any alien who holds a position in
the senior leadership of the Government of Yugoslavia of Slobodan Milosevic
or the
Government of Serbia and to members of their families; and prohibits
strategic exports to Yugoslavia, on private loans and investments and on
military-to-military cooperation.
The act also grants exceptions on export restrictions for humanitarian
assistance to Kosovo and on visa prohibitions to senior officials of the
Government of Montenegro, unless that Government changes its current policy
of respect forinternational norms.
The act contains a national interest waiver for the President. The
President may also waive the act's provision if he certifies that
`significant progress has been made in Yugoslavia in establishing a
government based upon democratic principles and the rule of law, and that
respects internationally recognized human rights.'
Clearly, if the democratic opposition triumphs in the current elections,
the chances will increase dramatically that the President will exercise
this waiver option.
We, the Congress, are saying to the people of Serbia that they are our
friends, not our enemies. It is their Government, it is Slobodan Milosevic
that is the problem, not the Serbian people.
Today in the Committee on Foreign Relations, we discussed at length with
Madeleine Albright what we should be doing about Serbia. I have discussed
it as well with Senator Voinovich.
I see the Senator from Iowa is on the floor. He may be here for other
reasons, but I know his keen interest in Serbia, the Serbian people, and
the need for us to render assistance if they, in fact, move in the
direction of democracy.
The act calls for Serbia to cooperate with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
It also contains two important Sense of the Congress provisions. The first
is that the President should condemn the harassment, threats, and
intimidation against any ethnic group in Yugoslavia, but in particular
against such persecution of the ethnic Hungarian minority in the Serbian
province of Vojvodina.
The second voices support for a fair and equitable disposition of the
ownership and use of the former Yugoslavia's diplomatic and consular
properties in the United States.
Finally, in a move to facilitate the transition to democracy in the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, Congress authorizes the President to furnish
assistance to Yugoslavia if he determines and certifies to the appropriate
congressional committees that a post-Milosevic Government of Yugoslavia is
`committed to democratic principles and the rule of law, and that respects
internationally recognized human rights.'
Mr. President, the Serbia Democratization Act offers the President ample
flexibility in dealing with Serbia. If Milosevic should succeed in
frustrating the will of the Serbian people by stealing this election, the
act will give the President of the United States a complete kit of peaceful
tools to continue to try to undermine his oppressive regime.
If, on the other hand, the democratic opposition led by Mr. Kostunica
manages to make its electoral victory stick, then the final provision of
the act becomes the operative one in which we open up the spigot of
increased assistance to a democratic Serbia. Obviously, this would be the
preferred option.
Unfortunately, however, foreign policy is rarely so black and white. The
apparent winner of the election, Mr. Kostunica, is vastly preferable to
Milosevic, but this may be a case of damning by faint praise. As many of my
colleagues have heard me say on other occasions, I met Milosevic in
Belgrade during the Bosnian war and called him a war criminal to his face.
Not only is he a war criminal, but he is thoroughly corrupt and
anti-democratic.
Mr. Kostunica, by all accounts, is honest and democratic, a dissident in
Communist times and a man with a reputation for probity. He seems, however,
to represent a democratic, honest variant of a rather extreme Serbian
nationalism.
His language describing NATO's Operation Allied Force has been strident.
Like Milosevic --and most other Serbian politicians--he calls for the
return of Kosovo to Belgrade's rule. But I am prepared to have an open mind
on what he said. I can understand why, in running for President, being
labeled by Mr. Milosevic as the `dupe of the West' and `a puppet of the
United States,' he would feel the need to openly condemn the United States.
I also do not have a problem with the fact that he may have used tough
language with regard to Kosovo. There is a difference between words and his
actions. So I will have great problems with him if, in fact, he tries to
again suppress the Kosovars, who, if he comes to power will probably
increase their agitation for independence.
Moreover, Kostunica has repeatedly said that if he is elected he would
refuse to hand over The Hague those Serbs indicted by the International War
Crimes Tribunal.
To a large extent Kostunica's criticism of Milosevic's policies toward
non-Serbs in the old Yugoslavia--Slovenes, Croats, Bosniaks, and
Kosovars--is that those policies resulted in four failed wars. There is no
indication, for example, that Kostunica would cut off Belgrade's support
for the radical Bosnian Serbs who on a daily basis are trying to undermine
the Dayton Agreement.
Of course, as I have indicated earlier, Kostunica's policies must be seen
in the context of an electoral campaign. Nonetheless, they do reflect what
the traffic will bear. In other words, they reflect his view of
contemporary Serbian society.
During the Bosnian war and after it, I often stated publicly that in my
opinion Croatian President Franjo Tudjman was cut from the same cloth as
Milosevic --an aggressive, anti-democratic leader. The only reason I
advocated helping to rebuild his army was because, unlike Serbia, Croatia
did not represent a major threat to the region. In fact, in the summer of
1995 the reorganized Croatian Army provided the
Bosnian Army and the Bosnian Croat militia the support necessary to rout
the Bosnian Serbs and bring all parties to the negotiating table.
Since Tudjman's death, Croatia has proven that beneath the surface of
Tudjman's authoritarianism a genuine, Western-style democratic body politic
survived. The newly elected government of President Stipe Mesic and Prime
Minister Ivica Racan has utilized this mandate not only to enact domestic
democratic reforms, but also to cut off support for the radical Herzegovina
Croats who have done everything in their power to undo Dayton. The
government has also taken the much less popular step of handing over to The
Hague Tribunal several high-ranking Croats who were indicted for alleged
war crimes.
The United States has a great deal invested in a democratic, multiethnic
Bosnia, and if Serbia and the rest of the world is lucky enough to be rid
of Slobodan Milosevic , we should not give him an ex post facto victory by
applying a looser standard of behavior on his successor than we have to
Tudjman's successors in Croatia. To be blunt: respect for Dayton and
cooperation with The Hague Tribunal must
be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia.
I fervently hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav
elections. If he does, the United States should immediately extend to him a
sincere hand of friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending
legislation.
We should make clear to him that if he chooses to cooperate with us, a
`win-win' situation would result, with tangible benefits for the
long-suffering and isolated Serbian people who, we should never forget,
were this country's allies in two world wars during the twentieth century.
If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his
undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then we
must disabuse him of this notion.
Should our West European allies choose to embrace a post-Milosevic ,
democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say to
them `good luck; we'll concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia on
preparing democratic and prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO
enlargement, on continuing to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on
supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro.'
Mr. President, the long-frozen, icy situation in Serbia appears finally to
be breaking up. I genuinely hope that Serbia is on the verge of democracy.
I urge my colleagues to support the Serbia Democratization Act of 2000 in
order to enable ourgovernment peacefully to deal with any eventuality in
that country.
**********************************************************
Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Professor Michel Chossudovsky (9-27-2000)
Washington is preparing for the run-off election in Yugoslavia. More
money is scheduled to be wired to opposition groups to their bank accounts
in Budapest with fresh and "clean" dollar bills to be transported in
suitcases across the border. And this time it's big bucks: 500 million US
dollars...
Perfect timing. On the day after the Presidential election, the US House
of Representatives approved a bill:
"authorizing financial aid for opposition groups in Serbia. The bill
authorizes $500
million to help finance democratic forces in Serbia and Montenegro,
including $ 50 million
to fund the activities of pro-democracy and dissident groups.".
('Los Angeles Times,' September 26, 2000).
In an ironic twist, while the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS)
receives big bucks from the
bombers, it has committed itself in its electoral platform to adopting
"new laws" on the financing of
political parties. These laws are to be:
"in accordance with the generally accepted standards of democratic
societies.
Republican parliaments will be advised to adjust their legislation
according
to these principles."
(Election manifesto of "Democratic Opposition of Serbia", 5 September
2000).
With opposition political parties on the enemy's payroll, the Western
media has casually accused the
Yugoslav authorities of electoral fraud. In any other country, receiving
cash from a foreign government would lead to the immediate indictment of
the political parties concerned. Their bank
accounts would be frozen. This has not happened yet in Yugoslavia.
Yet the media accuses the Yugoslav government of mistreating the
"democratic" opposition. In the
US, taking money from an unfriendly foreign power, especially a hostile
one, to finance campaign
expenses would quite understandably be considered "un-American". But in
Belgrade opposition forces say that they are patriotic. For them it is not
"un-Yugoslav" to accept 500 million dollars from the bombers of their
country...
Michel Chossudovsky
Department of Economics,
University of Ottawa, Ottawa,
K1N6N5 Voice box:
1-613-562-5800, ext. 1415, Fax:
1-514-425-6224 E-Mail:
[EMAIL PROTECTED];
(Altern. E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED])
Recent articles on Yugoslavia
"NATO Willfully Triggered an Environmental Disaster
"http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/willful.htm
"UN Appoints Alleged War Criminal in Kosovo"
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/unandthe.htm
"Opening Kosovo to Foreign Capital"
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/opening.htm
"NATO's Claim of Ethnic Cleansing Challenged"
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/nato.htm
NATO's Reign of Terror in Kosovo
http://members.xoom.com/_XOOM/yugo_archive/19990816mcpaper.ht
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