----- Original Message -----
Sent: Sunday, October 08, 2000 9:40 AM
Subject: [slp-youth] From Michel Collon: The 12 months ahead will decide the fate of Yugoslavia


Belgrade Journal - Saturday, October 7, 2000, noon

The 12 months ahead will decide the fate of Yugoslavia

MICHEL COLLON



The big news took place last night. All the international
media spoke of it. Milosevic recognized the victory of
Kostunica in the presidential voting.

Then there is that news they're not reporting but which
could turn out to be still more important for the eight
crucial months ahead. The attempt of the opposition to
seduce certain Montenegrin parliamentary representatives to
form a new governing majority failed.

While it still has to be confirmed, the next Yugoslav
government should be composed of the Milosevic's party, the
SPS (Socialist Party of Serbia), its traditional ally the
YUL (Yugoslav United Left) and the Montenegrin deputies of
the SNP lead by Momir Bulatovic.

Will we be then in a situation of dual power? No, because
the legal powers of the president are less important than
those of the Yugoslav government, and still less important
than those of the Serb government, which has responsibility
for the largest part of the governmental budget.

Kostunica president and Milosevic prime minister?

Kostunica president and Milosevic prime minister? This
surrealist scenario that we had envisaged a few days ago,
this scenario would be Washington's nightmare. And that's
why the West is in the process of doing all to definitively
eliminate Milosevic and his party from political life.

Since I've been in Belgrade, I've looked at BBC, CNN and a
German broadcast. All present a caricatured image of an
entire people united against a dictator. Reality is
different. Milosevic retains an important base of support -
the opposition is not contesting the results of the
parliamentary elections - and what exists is a country
divided in two camps, after months of pressures and enormous
campaigns from the outside.

As I wrote earlier, the opposition leaders have looked to
create a "Bucharest syndrome." Milosevic has done all he
could to avoid falling into this trap. He waited in a war of
attrition, a war of nerves, as he did during the preceding
confrontations unleashed by the opposition in 1991 and
1996-1997, which he was able to survive. "In any case, we
didn't want to send the army and provoke a bloodbath,"
government officials told me.

Wouldn't he have been better off recognizing immediately
Kostunica's victory. Many people, even those in his camp,
believe this. "The people believe that he was trying to
maneuver and they didn't like that," Ivana explained to me,
though she was someone who voted for Milosevic.

But to the Kostunica camp, we could ask another question:
Why did they refuse the second round of the elections when
it seemed certain they would win? We think that Washington
and the opposition leaders were trying to bring about the
"Bucharest syndrome" in order to definitively eliminate
Milosevic from the political scene.

But is only Milosevic involved in all this? No. It concerns
an entire current of Yugoslav society, which is resisting
the takeover by the multinational corporations. On November
17, 1998, the official British news agency Reuter mentioned
a poll of 300 companies that stated that "privatization
raises no enthusiasm in Serbia, the workers fear massive
layoffs. No new companies have been privatized since the new
privatization law was adopted a month ago.

Besides, the desire to eliminate Milosevic does not involve
Yugoslavia alone. Why is Milosevic Washington's chosen
target?

"Because he symbolizes resistance to the New World Order
and he could give the wrong ideas to other forces in the
Balkans," answered Ljliljana, an official in a ministry. "In
Washington's eyes, Milosevic is a dangerous virus and could
contaminate the Balkans."

Clinton and the demonization of the Serbs

At present, Kostunica is faced with two problems. The first
one immediately: The burning of parliament was not
understood or approved by his own supporters. "Even NATO
spared this symbol," people said here angrily. "Hitler had
burned the Reichstag as a provocation before the Second
World War. And RTS television had been bombed by NATO,
leaving 16 victims. The memories of this are still fresh.
It's infuriating."

Second problem: the burdensome congratulations from the
United States. Yesterday, I heard Bill Clinton's speech. Its
substance: "This victory is ours, it is the outcome of U.S.
combat over the last 10 years. We stopped Milosevic from
continuing the attack on Croatia, Bosnia and other
countries. With the demonstration in Belgrade, we ended for
good the threat from a person who  is responsible for
hundreds of thousands of victims."

What? Milosevic killed so many people? Alone? Clinton should
be assured that no Serb thinks about it this way.
Practically all continue to believe that their country had
been attacked by the great powers that supported extremists
like Tudjman [Croatia] and Izetbegovic [Bosnia] and who
showed themselves unjustly against Serbs. Certain of them -
and this includes those among those who voted for the
opposition - even criticize Milosevic for not having been
firm enough and not having fought to the end.

This discourse by Clinton is a continuation of the policy of
demonizing the Serbs, who are presented as monsters, because
it is evident that if there were "hundreds of thousands of
victims," a large number of Serbs are criminals, and the
witch-hunt will begin with all the selectivity and
arbitrariness of which Washington is capable.

Besides, Washington has no intention of giving justice to
the Serbs. For example in Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner just
announced that he would have to remain there for a
generation and that U.S. troops would stay there "without
doubt for 10 years." (Washington Times, September 30)


Even under Kostunica, the Serbs won't be able to enjoy
peace, because the U.S. needs a situation where a permanent
"low-intensity" conflict exists. This situation permits them
to maintain tension in a region, and pressure against a
country. To believe that the USA is in Kosovo to
re-establish peace and help the Albanians, that's like
believing that Hitler had occupied Czechoslovakia because of
his love for the Sudeten German minority. Pretexts,
pretexts. … The only thing that matters to the great powers
is to occupy strategic regions.

The 12 months ahead, before the elections in Serbia, will be
decisive. Will Yugoslavia become a colony of the
International Monetary Fund and NATO? If they want to
reverse the current electoral tendencies - especially among
the youth - Milosevic and his allies will have to promote a
still more socially conscious policy, an ever firmer
struggle against privileges. And a strategy of communication
more effective toward the youths. But the progressive forces
of the entire world will also have a role to play to unmask
the actions of Washington behind these elections that were
not truly free.



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