The Global Reflexion Foundation contributes, according to her ability, to the distribution of information on international issues that in the media does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We receive information from different sources, that does not necessary reflect our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail. ****************************************************** Tuesday, October 10, 2000 1. DOS leader Djindjic: Yugoslavia is to be no more 2. Djindjic Calls for Complete Yugoslav Submission to U.S. 3. Yugoslav PM and Police Chief Resign 4. The 8 questions of the day *********************************************************** The url for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/dos.htm DOS leader Djindjic: Yugoslavia is to be no more Below are two texts and some comments. The first text comes from a Montenegrin Website of the Soros "Open Society" type. The second comes from the Beta News Agency. Comments by Jared Israel, Emperor's Clothes "Djindjic said that he explained DOS's thinking on renewing FRY.'We believe the joint state should not be called Yugoslavia but the "The Union of Serbia and Montenegro'....Responding to the question of whether this is really DOS's program, given Vojislav Kostunica's statement on strengthening the joint state, Djindjic said: "We, in the campaign, did not have completely differing views on these issues. I explained these ideas in the joint meetings of the DOS leaders and they were positively accepted both in the coalition and by the Serbian public." (from story posted after comments below) Comments: It becomes increasingly evident with every passing hour that Mr. Kostunica is not the dominant leader in the Serbian opposition. The key person is Zoran Djindjic. In the text below, Mr. Djindjic is asked if Mr. Kostunica accepts his idea for dissolving Yugoslavia. His response is diplomatic but perfectly clear: Djindjic lays down the law, Kostunica follows. And why not? He is the point man for the US; he is the guy with the $77 million dollar check. Djindjic seems slated to be Prime Minister. Mr. Dinkic from the US/German- controlled G-17 group of economists is slated to be head of a colonial-style Central Bank. Djindjic Proposes Abolition of Yugoslavia When Mr. Djindjic opens his mouth it is Madeline Albright talking. The consequences of the proposal to abolish Yugoslavia, expressed by Mr. Djindjic in the name of the entire opposition including Mr. Kostunica, are very grave. . The continued existence of Yugoslavia is the critical question in the Balkans. Yugoslavia's existence prevents the consolidation of US/German power in the Balkans and therefore hinders taking aggressive action toward the former Soviet Union. The act of relinquishing the name "Yugoslavia" would be a sharp blow to the morale of those who are trying to hold back the US/German assault. Moreover, if Yugoslavia ceased to exist there would be immediate consequences. These would include the loss of all Yugoslav property, currently held by Yugoslavia or frozen by order of the U.S. This amounts to over $20 billion US. It would mean that the agreement by which Kosovo is legally part of Serbia - UN resolution 1244 - would be void because that agreement was signed by the UN and Yugoslavia. It would mean the Yugoslavs would lose all right to speak in the UN - a right the US has suppressed. But up until now the Yugoslavs have had legality on their side. Agreeing that Yugoslavia is no more means relinquishing all claim to legal rights. Here is the full text of the report on the conversation betyween Zoran Djindjic and Milo Djukanovic. Djukanovic and Kostunica schedule a meeting on changes in the military leadership [1st news report] President of Montenegro, Milo Djukanovic and the new president of FRY Vojislav Kostunica agreed that a meeting of the Supreme defense council should be held soon, where changes in the military leadership could be agreed, it was confirmed by the leader of the Democratic party, Zoran Djindjic. Djindjic said that Kostunica and Djukanovic spoke on the phone and agreed that a meeting of the Supreme council should be held within the next three days. Djukanovic met Djindjic, who was representing the Democratic Opposition of Serbia, last night in Podgorica. Djindjic informed Djukanovic on DOS's plans to possibly form an expert government with the SNP. This government would spend the first two to three months around issues connected to the removal of international sanctions and for the pledged international financial support for economic recovery to be realized, and therefore this government would not interfere in the authorities of the Republican governments. This government would "be voted in by the representatives of DOS, the Montenegrin SNP, and the occasional patriot from the SPS", said Djinjic. The leader of the Democratic party claims that Djukanovic assessed this idea as interesting and "the least bad transitory solution". Djindjic said that he explained DOS's thinking on renewing FRY."We believe the joint state should not be called Yugoslavia but the "The Union of Serbia and Montenegro". This union should have much less joint functions, because at the moment there is a lot of overlap with the republics. The joint functions should be reduced to defense, and if regional stability is enhanced this would assume a small army, then also foreign policy and monetary policy based on a convertible currency. It is also true that the expensive institutions of the parliament and government should be reduced, because we already have this at the level of the independent states. The idea is to decrease the size of the federal functions but significantly improve their efficiency, which would mean reduced costs", said the leader of the Democratic party. Responding to the question of whether this is really DOS's program, given Vojislav Kostunica's statement on strengthening the joint state, Djindjic said: "We, in the campaign, did not have completely differing views on these issues. I explained these ideas in the joint meetings of the DOS leaders and they were positively accepted both in the coalition and by the Serbian public. I think we should first clarify what strengthening the joint state means. If the state has three functions, which are strong, this is better than if it has 20 which are weak", explained Djindjic. Djindjic said the talks between the representatives of DOS and the Montenegrin government about the future relations between Serbia and Montenegro are to start this week. *** Federal Relations DPS, NS and DOS talk 10/09/2000 18:18 GMT+1 -- The negotiations between DPS, National Party [NS] and DOS could soon be reassumed in Belgrade, as the Prime Minister of Montenegro and the vice- president of DPS Filip Vujanovic said today. He said for the Free Montenegro radio that the negotiations will be dedicated to the relations between the two federal units in Yugoslavia. Vujanovic announced that a group of experts could be formed on order to bring the agreement of the authorities of Montenegro and Serbian opposition into practice . Vuyjanovic has responded positively to the initiative of Zoran Djindjic to rename FR Yugoslavia into the Union of Serbia and Montenegro . The Prime Minister believes that the two-currency system in Montenegro is in accordance with the interests of the state. He said that the new currency of the Union of Serbia and Montenegro should be convertible and added that "it is certainly not dinar". (Source: Beta News Agency.) www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes] **************************************************** The url for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/submit.htm Opposition Leader Djindjic Calls for Complete Yugoslav Submission to U.S. Comments by Jared Israel (10-09-2000) Comments: An AP dispatch, reprinted below, gives some glimpse of the speed with which the U.S. is consolidating its position in Yugoslavia. The critical statement in the AP dispatch is made by Zoran Djindjic. Djindjic is an open employee of the U.S. and German governments and a key organizer of the distribution of US-German bribe money within Yugoslavia. Here is the account of his remarks: "A key Kostunica aide, Zoran Djindjic, signaled the new government's desire for closer ties to Washington after an election campaign in which the opposition sought to distance itself from the United States because of public anger over last year's NATO bombing campaign. '''Without a strategic partnership with America, there is no solution for the Serbian national interests,' Djindjic said.'' ('AP', 10-09-2000) The domination of Yugoslavia by Imperial powers is the precondition for aggressive action towards Russia, the Caucuses, Central Asia, Greece and other countries which have not entirely folded under U.S. pressure. Even those Balkans countries where the US has almost unchallenged domination, like Albania, Bulgaria and the former Yugoslav Republics, would find themselves under much harsher conditions if Yugoslavia falls to the U.S. For Yugoslavia has stood as a beacon, an alternative to the U.S.; if U.S. government behavior got too harsh, there was always Yugoslavia as a focal point of resistance. But as Senator Biden said in the July 29, 1999 Senate hearings on Yugoslavia: "I mean, for example, it's amazing what can happen when you eliminate the extremes. I mean, the single best thing that ever happened to the Republic of Srpska is we kicked the living hell out of Milosevic. There ain't no alternative left. �It's amazing what a salutary impact that has upon extremes in countries. And that's why the single best thing we -- my dream is to visit Milosevic in prison. (Laughter.) I mean that sincerely. I'm not being facetious. Because you put Milosevic in prison, and things in the region will change drastically." (Senator Joseph Biden, Senate Hearings on Serbia, July 29, 1999, Quoted in "US Arrogance and Yugoslav Elections) Thus Djindjic's statement is very serious. It translates: the Serbs must become the tool of the US in its effort to subjugate a vast section of the world. There is an obstacle for the U.S. government. The bulk of the Serbian people as well as other loyal Yugoslavs who live in Serbia, are opposed to U.S.-German control of the Balkans. This is why throughout the century Germany's key geopolitical goal has been to crush Serbia. Crushing Serbia was and is the precondition for firmly consolidating power in the Balkans and going after the East, the former Soviet Union. So how does Djindjic, who is now so openly the dominant leader in the DOS (the opposition) - how does he intend to make Serbs and others who oppose US domination accept US domination? There is only one way: terror. We have received first hand reports that terror is going on right now. It is highly organized. The terrorist groups, which are controlled by the DOS, have lists of people who belong to parties other than DOS or who are non-party, as well as those considered "nationalist activists." These, especially the activists, are the target; they are being physically attacked or threatened with attack. Institutions (e.g., the Customs Department) and key businesses are being illegally seized. The increasing campaign of terror by opposition forces is just barely hinted at in the Western media. The method for dealing with difficult Serbs is long established. It is: kill them. This was how the pro-German government in Croatia tried to make Yugoslavia safe for German domination: it wiped out over 700,000 Serbs (as well as almost all Jews and countless Gypsies.) Get rid of the troublesome elements - that was the method. It was done twice after World War II. The Tito government was interested in reducing the influence of Serbia in the new Yugoslavia. So it slaughtered the Cetniks whom the British turned over. And then, in 1948, when Tito decided to go all-out with a Western strategy he ordered the murder of between 50,000 and 100,000 Serbian Communists. If the Serbian and other loyal Yugoslav people do not resist they will be eliminated. Do not be deceived by sweet talking US leaders, NGO activists, and the like. The US government, dedicated to efficiency, always applies the simplest solution to a problem. When they encountered groups of Korean refugees who might include North Korean agents, they simply shot everyone in the group. If the Serbs do resist, they may face great difficulties; on the other hand, they may succeed in stopping the terror. The vast majority of the population does not want the coup but they are to some extent cowed by terror, by the indecision of the governing forces, who have plenty of weaknesses, by the apparent vacillation of the Russians and by the fierce determination of the US side, inside and outside Yugoslavia. And many people are of course confused by the false promises of massive economic aid. Preparing to defend themselves, not to adopt foolhardy measures, but to take firm measures to guarantee the rule of law, including demanding the arrest of those who sacked Parliament, who illegally have seized government institutions, and so on - taking these firm measures is the only hope of the Serbian people. If these measures are not taken there will be great suffering. At this point organized forces, such as the Army, may still be able to act. As for the U.S. government, it can "live with" the possibility of great suffering in Yugoslavia and throughout the Balkans if the result is US domination of the area. Remember, we are dealing with people like Madeline Albright. When asked whether she felt the containment of Iraq was worth the death of the 500,000 children killed by sanctions, she said "Yes, I believe it is." You see, she felt their pain, but she endured. The plan is mainly to use proxy forces to do the dirty work. This is how the moderate Muslims and Serbs in Bosnia were fought - by Islamist Muslims working with the US Ambassador and an army of US government and semi-government helpers, as well as plenty of money and arms. People are silenced by terror and then recruited by terror. The anti-racist Croatians were the first target of Mr. Tudjman's neo-Nazis in Croatia. The KLA is just the latest example of a proxy force suppressing "its own" people. The use of domestic forces (in this case the "Serbian opposition") to suppress a difficult population would allow NATO to bring in troops in the guise of supporting native leaders. This is the classic divide and rule policy that colonial powers have employed since Rome. It is .much less politically costly at home than outright invasion. Make no mistake: the danger of war, including nuclear war, is increased rather than diminished by this most reckless US policy. For one of the key targets of what Mr. Djindjic calls "a strategic alliance with the U.S." is Russia. And Russia is bristling with nuclear arms. Whether the Yugoslav people stand up now and fight, or do not, there will be suffering, which is a tragedy. But if they fail to stop the opposition's illegal actions their suffering will be incomparably worse. The U.S. elite is not a tolerant winner. Its goal remains to crush Serbia as even a potential political force. **************** Yugoslav PM and Police Chief Resign By DUSAN STOJANOVIC .c The Associated Press BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - Key remnants of Slobodan Milosevic's regime crumbled Monday after Yugoslavia's prime minister and the country's most powerful police chief resigned. Early elections were set for the Serbian parliament, a last bastion of the old order. Riding the wave of public support that brought him to power, President Vojislav Kostunica moved swiftly to drive out remaining Milosevic stalwarts. The government in Serbia, the main Yugoslav republic, was expected to be dissolved Tuesday. Just two days after formally taking office, Kostunica was also putting his supporters in charge of the country's most important institutions, including the police, judiciary, banks and state-run companies. A key Kostunica aide, Zoran Djindjic, signaled the new government's desire for closer ties to Washington after an election campaign in which the opposition sought to distance itself from the United States because of public anger over last year's NATO bombing campaign. ``Without a strategic partnership with America, there is no solution for the Serbian national interests,'' Djindjic said. Milosevic, who has been holed up at one of the president's official residences in a Belgrade suburb, remained out of public view Monday. But two of his key allies, federal Prime Minister Momir Bulatovic and Serbian Interior Minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic - who controlled about 100,000 policemen - both stepped down. All major Serbian parties agreed to early parliamentary elections in December - a move that could spell the end of Milosevic supporters' control of the republic's government and legislature. Given the current popular support for Kostunica, his allies are likely to win a strong majority in the new parliament. Serbia is home to more than 90 percent of Yugoslavs and whoever rules it holds the balance of authority in the country, which includes one other republic, Montenegro. If the current Serbian government and the parliament remain in place, they could block many pro-democracy reforms pushed by Kostunica on the federal level. Serbia's president and parliament are elected separately from federal posts and were not involved in the contentious federal vote Sept. 24. Serbian President Milan Milutinovic and other Serbian government leaders were elected in 1998 to four-year terms. Still, Milosevic's hard-line allies in the Serbian parliament were trying to keep the current legislature in place until the new elections, despite calls for its immediate dissolution. ``This is a highway robbery,'' said Vojislav Seselj, Serbia's ultranationalist deputy prime minister who has been allied with Milosevic. ``You will not get our blessing for a coup,'' referring to alleged forceful removal of Milosevic's cronies from all major state institutions. Seselj accused pro-democracy forces of using ``lynching methods'' to force out rivals. Seselj, for the first time, acknowledged that Serbia's parliament had lost control of the republic's police to pro-Kostunica forces. As Seselj was leaving Serbia's parliament, he was jostled by an irate crowd. One of his bodyguards fired shots in the air, and a photographer was punched and kicked in the head by a bodyguard. No one was seriously hurt. In the streets, factories and other public places, anger against Milosevic's cronies sometimes boiled over into violence. A mob of workers attacked Radoman Bozovic, a close Milosevic aide and the director of a major Belgrade trading corporation. He tried to flee from his car, but he was caught and beaten. His bodyguards snatched him and moved him into a nearby building for safety. Later, Bozovic resigned as the head of Genex, the biggest state-run import-export operation. In the city of Nis, workers stormed the state-run textile factory, Nitex, demanding the management be fired. Employees of Investbanka demanded that Borka Vucic, a top financial associate of Milosevic, leave the Belgrade headquarters of the state-run bank because ``her safety is jeopardized.'' As the vestiges of the old regime were being cleared away, the European Union lifted economic sanctions against Yugoslavia and offered it $2 billion in aid to help rebuild the country, as well as lifting key anti-Milosevic sanctions. The decision marked a turning point in Yugoslavia's relations with the rest of Europe and was seen as a first step toward integrating the country into the European mainstream. Still, obstacles remained for the Kostunica camp. Yugoslavia's defense minister attempted Monday to rally opponents of the new government, issuing a last-ditch appeal to Milosevic's shaken supporters not to abandon the ousted leader. Gen. Dragoljub Ojdanic said that ``the disunity among the Serbs is inciting the plans of our proven (foreign) enemies'' to occupy the country. Milosevic's allies have consistently referred to Kostunica and his followers as Western lackeys bent on taking over the Serb state. Ojdanic, a close Milosevic ally who has also been indicted for war crimes, has not formally recognized Kostunica as the new Yugoslav president and is not expected to keep his position in the new government. He has no direct control of the military, which has fallen under Kostunica's command. Still, he retains influence among the military brass, and any call he might make to rally pro-Milosevic forces could be problematic for the new regime. The military leadership - which consist mostly of Milosevic loyalists - has only grudgingly endorsed Kostunica as the new head of state. The top generals will likely be all replaced as part of a sweeping purge of Milosevic supporters. (c) AP-NY-10-09-00 1536EDT Reproduced for fair use only www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes] **************************************************** BELGRADE JOURNAL - Friday October 6, 3 p.m. Michel Collon The 8 questions of the day I shall try to answer the 8 questions that sum up the events: 1. Did the TV show all ? 2. Did we experience a well-prepared coup-d'Etat? 3. What is the U.S. trying to accomplish in the current situation? 4. Did people vote for Kostunica or against Milosevic ? 5. Why did those in power not forsee their electoral setback? 6. Were the elections truly free and fair? 7. Are those people who support Kostunica also for the United States ? 8. What is going to happen ? 1. Did the TV show all ? Nothing to add to the images presented by BBC and CNN. In effect there was an enormous crowd, the police put up a very weak resistance and above all looked for ways to avoid serious confrontations. But what I didn't see exposed on the Western networks was the plundering of the headquarters of the Socialist Party (while Kostunica had announced that there should be no revenge-taking toward the parties), and the buildings of various public enterprises. Neither was shown the broken windows of a certain number of stores in the center, which were subsequently looted. I personally saw demonstrators leave center city by the bridge over the Sava, while carrying on their shoulders stolen computers. In the center also, those not demonstrating found it deplorable that people were destroying public property : " We'll have to pay for it. " But the most important thing is that the opposition succeeded in bringing out an enormous mobilization and that those in power were unable to oppose it with a counter-mobilization. 2. Carefully prepared coup d'Etat ? The demonstrators were led by some hundreds of very active young people, most of whom had come from Cacak, Kragujevac and other opposition strongholds (Belgrade is luke-warm). You could say that they proceeded methodically to take control of a series of key places. First of all, the Parliament. Obviously a symbol. Still one could notice that Mr. Kostunica, always presented as a convinced legalist and constitutionalist, had taken over the Parliament at the moment when that Parliament had just been elected and that the opposition was not challenging the results of the parliamentary elections. What does the USA want ? We shall soon see. Next, the television station RTS. Just like in Romania in 1989 and in each coup d'Etat, to take over the big media centers and deprive the enemy of the right of response seems to have become Objective Number 1. The other media centers and certain buildings of public enterprises followed. This systematic and well-planned character of the action reminded one that the real chief of the opposition, Zoran Djindjic, had declared several months ago to Greek TV that if they failed to win the elections, they would take over parliament. This was nothing new. In 1993 in Moscow, Yeltsin - backed by the U.S. - had burned down Parliament [the Russian Duma] and killed a number of deputies that had been resisting him. Another opposition leader, Mrs. Pesic, had raised the need to " create a Bucharest syndrome. " These things were prepared long in advance. 3. Why is the U.S. still pushing for a test of strength ? Why this attempt at a total confrontation ? Why do they refuse all negociated compromise that would permit them to avoid the risk of a bloodbath ? Because they know that the opposition that they are about to lead to power suffers two serious weaknesses that could be fatal to it, and without needed to wait long years for these weaknesses to show. What are these weaknesses ? First, the DOS coalition is completely heterogenous. Nineteen (18 ?) parties that have nothing in common but the will to take power and a taste for dollars from Washington. In this coalition you can find people who have fought each other more or less to the death for years (Djindjic had pushed out Kostunica and many others), monarchists and republicans, Serbian nationalists and separatists (from Sandjak and Vojvodinje) whose programs are diametrically opposed. Once in office, it is clear they will once again begin making the gravest splits and conflicts of interests. It will be absolutely impossible to carry out the programs of all the parties. The magic of " Unity behind Kostunica " won't last long. In addition, and this is the second factor, the DOS will strongly disillusion its electors. Those voters, financially and morally exhausted by 10 years of sanctions, desire to " live normally, " (that's the idea that was most frequently expressed to me by the demonstrators that I questioned on October 5), that is to have a standard of living as close as possible to that of the West. But, as we have already explained in an earlier article, the opposition's G-17 program forsees the liquidation of social protections and the public enterprises, massive layoffs and carte blanche for the multinational corporations to buy the enterprises they are interested in and to more effectively exploit the workers. A few people will live better, many will live worse. With the result that, sooner or later, Kostunica will disillusion his supporters and they will give up hope. Will there be an alternative then ? Could the left parties and those who defend the independence of the country return to power (on the condition that they carry out certain self-examinations, as we will see) as could be the case in the next elections in three neighboring countries : Macedonia, the Serb Republic in Bosnia and Romania ? It is just to avoid this possibility of a legitimate return to power in the next elections that the U.S. is trying so hard to break the current governmental apparatus and that of the left parties in Yugoslavia. In the last elections in Macedonia, the left candidate was leading, but violent incidents grew to the point that the leader of the left finally pulled back for fear of very violent confrontations. We should point out that U.S. and other troops occupy this country and there is no doubt their intervention is aimed at stopping the left. We add that for the West that claims it is so careful of legality, the elections in Macedonia were " perfect. " 4. Did people vote for Kostunica or against Milosevic ? The latter answer is correct according to many people I spoke with. Despite his 10 years in power, Milosevic had acquired a great prestige during the war for firmly resisting NATO, which is what corresponded to the will of all his people. But the party in power wasted its opportunities by commiting two major errors. First, it permitted, even favored the growth of social inequalities. Yes, sanctions (embargo) are a crime the West imposed that made the population suffer cruelly. But that public had also seen certain outrageously large fortunes grow up under its eyes. It is incorrect to claim, as the Western media does, that " all the nomenklatura lives in luxury. " I managed to visit the appartments of certain mid-level ministry officials - they were just as modest as those of the neighbors, in the socially constructed buildings that had nothing of luxury about them. Nevertheless, there were also scandalous life-styles of those in business and in trafficking. To hold onto its support, the regime would have to fight against the interest of those with large fortunes and devote more effort to social services to aid the poorest people. In addition, the communication strategy of the leadership as well as the public media had not proven fruitful. A number of jokes circulated about RTS television and messages from the top leadership had lost their credibility when it was constantly repeated that all was going well. 5. Why didn't Milosevic see it coming ? How could it be that Milosevic had decided to call these early elections himself ? And that, up to the last minute, the parties in power showed themselves sure of winning, so much so that they were taken completely aback when they had to " manage " their defeat? A certain bureaucratism is involved in the answer. You can find among the officials and functionaries many very devoted people, full of enthusiasm to defend their country. You also find a certain number of bureaucrats who never tire of looking for solutions to problems. And one has the very clear impression that the reports that they send to the " top " are of the sort : " All is very well, your grace. " Those in power had not taken into consideration that they had lost a great part of the popularity they had during the war. They believed that the elections were in their pocket. And their campaign strategy was not good: Milosevic absent, the self-satisfied discourses on reconstrution that is real, but also negating the social problem and a systematic message of the sort that " all will be very well " that had lost its credibility. 6. Were the elections truly free and fair ? Of course, this attempt at an analysis of the weaknesses of the parties in office removes nothing from what we have already shown. Yes, the elections were not at all free and fair. When you bombard a people, destroy their factories, their electricity and heating plants, their roads and their bridges, when you throw horrible weapons like fragmentation bombs and depleted uranium at them, when you submit the population to a disgusting extortion - " Vote for the pro-West parties or you will continue to starve " -- when you spread hundreds of millions of dollars to aid certain political parties to deceive the people with the help of advisers specialized in scientific methods of organizing campaigns based on lies, they one has to conclude that if these elections are as free and fair, then Jamie Shea [spokesperson for NATO during the bombing campaign] is a sincere and objective person. 7. Are those people who support Kostunica also for the United States ? A argued with Kostunica's supports. It was instructive. Since the opposition parties are financed - grossly - by Washington, one could believe that Kostunica's supporters were also partial to the United States. False. A proverb that the Serbs apply to themselves with a sort of self-mocking, points this out: " If you have two Serbs, you will have three opinions. " Many demonstrators spontaneously told me " We are not NATO. " A hairdresser of French origin, having recognized me in the street (following my television appearances), came spontaneously to let me know that he greatly appreciated my criticisms against NATO, but that I had been wrong to put the opposition parties in the same bag. " We here detest the Americans, we know very well what they are and what their interests are. " " But we want no more of Milosevic. We want to live normally without sanctions and like you others in the West. " Like the unemployed and those on welfare in the West or like the rich of the West? Doesn't he realize that the Western multinational corporations will not bring prosperity here but a harsher exploitation ? No, this type of talk, for the moment, they don't want to hear : " You could be right, but we have to try it, we want change, change ! And if these new leaders don't keep their promises, we will change again ! " That though is a grand illusion, to believe that NATO will permit a " step back. " But that is the current mood. Another element to take notice of is that the DOS election campaign strategy succeeded in promoting a strange but effective idea: Milosevic was in fact a tool of the United States - he served them and helped maintain their influence. That idea doesn't hold up - why would the U.S. do everything it could to eliminate the one that served them so well - but certain people bought it anyway. Indeed, it was a classic method of advertising: those who steal, cry " Stop, thief. " Those who are paid by the [north] Americans, seem to by crying " Down with the United States! " 8. What will happen? This afternoon [Oct. 6], a more-or-less normal life returned to the streets, lthough the shops remained closed. But the opposition wants to keep its troops in the center to avoid all possible police intervention to retake it. It announced an even larger mobilization. On the one hand, the DOS opposition is looking to conclude a parliamentary alliance by splitting up Bulatovic's Montenegrin party and finding there teh votes that they lack to obtain a majority. One can be certain that Washington's dollars will serve as bait. On the other hand, the government is looking for a path of action without finding it. It affirms it doesn't want to call out the army because it wants to avoid a bloodbath, and demands that legality be respected. It tries to find a media that will allow it to spread its message. But its strategy of communication is still slow and chaotic. One waits in vain for an official position. Milosevic could be making a speech � one waits. Soon. ***************************************** Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands
