>   Colombia Action Network http://www.freespeech.org/actioncolombia
>               Contact us at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>1. U.S. spy plane damaged by bomb in Colombia
>2. Girls swap diapers for rebel life
>3. Drug war enlists coca growers
>4. URGENT ACTION: SUPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS WORKERS IN BARRANCABERMEJA
>5. Protesters seize Gore's office
>6. U.S. Companies Tangled in Web Of Drug Dollars
>7. Colombian Death Squad Kills Nine Peasants
>  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>ASSOCIATED PRESS, Monday, 9 October 2000
>U.S. spy plane damaged by bomb in Colombia
>
>BOGOTA-A bomb packed into a truck exploded Monday outside a military
>base, slightly damaging an American spy plane that was parked inside the
>base, a Colombian air force officer said.
>
>The U.S. plane, a Skymaster, was hit by shrapnel in the fuselage and a
>turbine, the officer said on condition of anonymity.
>
>The attack occurred outside the base near Colombia's main oil field,
>Cano Limon, 225 miles (365 kilometers) northeast of the capital, Bogota.
>
>No one immediately claimed responsibility for the attack. Both of
>Colombia's rebel groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and
>the National Liberation Army, operate in the region.
>
>The U.S. plane conducted intelligence missions and was on loan under an
>agreement between Washington and the Colombian air force, authorities
>said.
>
>The U.S. Embassy was closed Monday, and no officials were available for
>comment.
>
>On July 23, 1999, another U.S. spy plane crashed into a mountain while
>on a counternarcotics mission, killing five U.S. soldiers and two
>Colombian air force officers.
>
>        Copyright 2000 Associated Press
>
>  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR, Friday, 6 October 2000
>
>Girls swap diapers for rebel life
>By Martin Hodgson
>
>SAN VICENTE DEL CAGUAN, Colombia -- Eliana Gonzalez was married at 14
>and gave birth to her daughter a year later. Her husband, a landless
>peasant, would disappear on drunken binges for days at time, she says,
>"But he was the kind of man who believed a woman should always stay at
>home. I had to get his permission just to visit my parents.
>
>"I wanted to do something with my life. I wanted things to change," says
>Ms. Gonzalez, explaining why 26 years ago she left her family, chose a
>new name, and became a guerrilla fighter in what is now Colombia's
>largest - and most feared - rebel army.
>
>The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, are best known in
>the wider world for their reliance on kidnapping and extortion, close
>ties with the illegal narcotics trade, and casual use of extreme
>violence.
>
>So why are increasing numbers of Colombian women choosing to join them?
>
>When Gonzalez became a guerrilla in 1974, the FARC had fewer than 900
>members, of whom only a handful were women. Now the group fields some
>15,000 fighters, including more than 5,000 women.
>
>The figures alone illustrate the escalation of Colombia's bloody 34-year
>conflict, which pits leftist rebels against state security forces and
>their de facto allies, illegal right-wing paramilitaries.
>
>And as the US prepares to send nearly $ 1 billion worth of aid to
>Colombia's military, the fighting is likely to get worse, observers say.
>According to military analyst Alfredo Rangel, the FARC are stepping up
>their recruiting drives throughout the country. "A growing army needs
>whoever it can get, and women are an important source of new recruits,"
>he says.
>
>But while the numbers indicate the scale of the violence, they also
>reflect the social conditions that helped trigger Colombia's war.
>
>"Young people in rural areas have no alternatives. Their families don't
>have money for education and there are no jobs," says Mariluz Rubio,
>human rights ombudsman in San Vicente del Caguan, the largest town in a
>southern region ceded to the rebels to enable peace talks that began in
>January, 1999.
>
>In much of rural Colombia, there has never been a consistent state
>presence, or investment in any kind of infrastructure or legal economy.
>A nationwide recession has pushed urban unemployment above 20 percent,
>so rural youngsters have little hope of escape to the cities. "And this
>is still a very macho country. For women, the possibilities are even
>fewer," says Ms. Rubio, adding that many families still see educating
>daughters as a waste of time. In rural communities, girls are married
>and start childbearing when they are as young as 12 years old. For many,
>the only job opportunities are in the drug trade, or with the armed
>factions.
>
>East of San Vicente, a two-hour drive down a rutted track leads to a
>rebel camp deep in the jungle. At the sound of a whistle blast, 24
>guerrillas in drab green uniforms line up on a makeshift parade ground.
>Each one bears an assault rifle, a harness with spare ammunition, and a
>stubby machete. None is older than 25, and almost half are women.
>
>The drill commander is Sandra. The guerrilla in her 20s, who didn't want
>to give a last name, takes roll call in a school composition book, then
>assigns cookhouse and sentry details. "We all have the same duties and
>responsibilities, man or woman," she says later, sitting on her rough
>wooden cot while she and two friends paint their fingernails with red
>and pink nail polish.
>
>Like Gonzalez, Sandra grew up in a remote farming town, where she
>scraped through one year of primary school before the money ran out. She
>started working when she was 10, keeping house and looking after her
>five younger brothers and sisters.
>
>"Lots of women are here because their parents beat them, or just to get
>away from the poverty. I got on well with my parents, but I had to work
>harder at home than I do here."
>
>"It's tough, but at least you don't have to worry about where you'll get
>food and clothes from," agrees Ana Maria, also in her early 20s. Now
>Sandra has three sets of clothes - identical camouflage uniforms - and a
>pair of rubber boots, as well as an AK-47 that rests against her bed
>while her fingernails dry.
>
>"In Colombia, money and weapons are the only things that confer power.
>In a country where women are usually ignored, [women guerrillas] are
>surrounded by symbols that give them an identity," says anthropologist
>Maria Eugenia Vasquez, who is writing a book on female rebels.
>
>"The first time you pick up a weapon you feel proud, you feel more
>important. When you're a civilian, you don't belong anywhere, but when
>you're a guerrilla, people treat you better," says 16-year-old Lusia,
>who also declined to give her last name. She worked as a maid in the
>capital, Bogota, before joining the rebels.
>
>THE guerrilla bands offer women equality and freedom from the
>expectations of a macho culture, they say, but charge a high price in
>return. "Once you're a soldier, you're always a soldier," says Gonzalez.
>In her mid-40s, she is one of the oldest and longest-serving women in
>the FARC. "But if you're a mother, you're always a mother," she adds in
>a soft tone.  After she joined the rebels, she didn't see her daughter
>for nine years. "I got used to this life very quickly, but you can never
>adapt to leaving your child," she remembers.
>
>Guerrillas are not allowed to keep their children with them, explains
>Commandante Mariana Paez, a member of the FARC's negotiation team. "You
>can't be a guerrilla and a mother. You either neglect one or the other -
>and usually it's the children," she says.
>
>Female fighters are given obligatory birth-control advice. If they
>become pregnant, they are told to leave the babies with their families.
>
>In the camp, Sandra admits that she sometimes finds the rule a little
>harsh. "Most of us would like to have children, but you can't. Well ...
>you shouldn't," she says.
>
>Lusia disagrees. "If you have a husband, it's worse. They just cheat and
>fill you up with children. It's much better here," she says, remembering
>her best friend, who became a mother at 14. "We used to play hide and
>seek together, but I haven't seen her for years now," Lusia says. "I
>chose a different path. I think it was the right one."
>
>        Copyright 2000 The Christian Science Publishing Society
>
>  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>HOUSTON CHRONICLE, Sunday, 8 October 2000
>
>Drug war enlists coca growers
>By John Otis
>
>LA ESPERANZA, Colombia - Marco Julio Herrera, a 75-year-old grandfather,
>clasped the stem of a 3-foot-tall coca plant and tugged with all his
>might.
>
>The bush, thick with shiny green leaves that contain the raw material
>for cocaine, resisted for a moment, then popped out of the soil.
>
>"You have to pull it out, roots and all," Herrera explained.
>"Otherwise, it will just grow back."
>
>Despite a litany of crackdowns over the years, Colombia has never
>managed to keep its coca crop from growing back.
>
>Now, however, coca farmers like Herrera are offering to do the job
>themselves.
>
>Over the past two months, hundreds of coca growers in southern Putumayo
>state - home to about 40 percent of Colombia's estimated 300,000-acre
>coca crop - have agreed, in principle, to destroy their plants in
>exchange for government aid to help them join the legal economy.
>
>The initiative is being touted as a kinder, gentler alternative to raids
>by Colombian crop-dusters, which spray with herbicides. Aerial
>fumigation has long been a cornerstone of the war on drugs in Colombia,
>which produces up to 90 percent of the cocaine sold on U.S. streets.
>
>But the spraying program has sparked violent demonstrations by coca
>farmers, who contend that the crop-dusters have mistakenly destroyed
>food crops and have left their families destitute.
>
>What's more, they say, the eradication effort has lacked an effective
>follow-up program to help farmers switch to alternative crops.
>
>Some analysts, however, view voluntary eradication as a well-meaning but
>ill-fated sideshow in a state now on a front line of Colombia's 36-year
>civil war.
>
>The state is the main target of a U.S.-backed counteroffensive that will
>include massive aerial spraying and army attacks on Marxist guerrillas
>who are deeply involved in the drug trade.
>
>Because large areas of Putumayo are controlled by guerrillas or the
>right-wing paramilitaries who battle them, the Colombian government has
>been virtually unable to spray the state's drug crops in the past.
>
>Still, a handful of community activists has convinced the Colombian
>government that, at least in some areas of Putumayo, voluntary
>eradication may be a more effective way to wipe out coca and win over
>hardscrabble peasants.
>
>"Aerial spraying has been a huge failure. Colombia is the most fumigated
>country in the world, but the coca crop keeps getting bigger," said
>Manuel Alzate, mayor of the Putumayo town of Puerto Asis who is
>organizing the voluntary effort.  "We want to prove that if the farmers
>eradicate coca by themselves, we can get rid of it forever."
>
>The voluntary program would provide assistance to peasants who grow less
>than 7.4 acres of coca, an amount that provides them with little more
>than a subsistence income.
>
>Families would have a one-year grace period to uproot their coca plants
>and receive government help in switching to legal jobs, such as cattle
>ranching, chicken raising, fish farming or growing food crops.
>
>Farmers would also receive temporary food aid, since it may take months
>or years to earn profits from their new ventures. In addition, the
>Colombian government has pledged to invest in roads as well as health
>and education programs in Putumayo.
>
>"People like the idea of leading a more dignified life," said Jorge
>Chamorro, a community leader and teacher in La Esperanza, a tiny hamlet
>where dozens of farmers have agreed to rip up their coca fields.
>
>For the next three months, the Colombian government has earmarked about
>$ 5 million for the eradication program, according to Gonzalo de
>Francisco, a special adviser to President Andres Pastrana for the
>Putumayo region.
>
>More funding could come from an $ 862 million U.S. aid package for
>Colombia that was approved last summer, de Francisco said.
>
>Most of the U.S.  money is for training and hardware for the Colombian
>army and police, but about $ 81 million has been set aside for programs
>to wean farmers off coca crops.
>
>"The pace of implementation for these projects will depend heavily on
>the local farmers and their willingness to participate and comply with
>verifiable benchmarks," Rand Beers, the U.S. assistant secretary of
>state for international narcotics and law enforcement affairs, said in
>congressional testimony last month.
>
>At the same time, Colombian and U.S. authorities plan to step up police
>and army anti-drug operations in Putumayo.
>
>Aerial fumigation of industrial-sized coca plantations run by seasoned
>drug traffickers will start in December, Beers said.
>
>So far, coca growers in 45 communities near Puerto Asis have agreed to
>take part in the voluntary eradication program. But experts say they
>will face enormous difficulties.
>
>For one thing, many of the farms are located in war zones.
>
>This month, heavy fighting involving army troops, rebels and
>paramilitaries forced the government to postpone a ceremony in which it
>was to sign a letter of intent to formalize the manual eradication
>program.
>
>What's more, there appears to be deep distrust between many peasants in
>Putumayo and government officials.
>
>Col. Gabriel Diaz, commander of the army's 24th brigade in Putumayo,
>calls the manual eradication program a stalling tactic by coca farmers
>and guerrillas to keep out the crop-dusters.
>
>The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, known as FARC, the nation's
>largest guerrilla group,earns millions of dollars annually from the drug
>trade.
>
>"The FARC is just buying time," Diaz said in an interview.
>
>Others believe that if the program starts to work, the FARC will try to
>sabotage it.
>
>Some farmers accuse the government of ignoring past pacts with coca
>growers. They fear that once they rip out their plants, the government
>will cancel the aid programs, leaving them without a livelihood.
>
>"The day that they give me some money, I will gladly start pulling out
>my plants," said Alina Lopez, who has grown coca for the past 10 years
>and uses the money to buy school uniforms and textbooks for her
>children. "But I doubt that there is going to be any aid. Politicians
>always trick you."
>
>De Francisco claims that won't happen. "We are in this to make good on
>our promises," he said.
>
>        Copyright 2000 The Houston Chronicle Publishing Company
>
>  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>4 October 2000, CSN Philadelphia & ASFADDES
>
>URGENT ACTION: SUPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS WORKERS IN BARRANCABERMEJA
>
>Situation ---------
>Violence and threats arrived again in Barrancabermeja this weekend,
>during and following an event called "For Life and Human Rights," a
>celebration of the dangerous work with human rights workers do every
>day. The Colombian national government failed to send representatives of
>consequence, again showing its lack of support for human rights, and its
>disdain for peace in Barrancabermeja and throughout Colombia.
>
>During the conference, the AUC (United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia)
>paramilitary group threatened the lives of all human rights workers in
>Barrancabermeja, particularly those of CREDHOS (Regional Corporation for
>Human Rights) and ASFADDES (Association of Friends and Family of the
>Disappeared and Detained). Then, on October 2 (Monday) a car bomb
>exploded in a market district in Barranca, killing one woman and
>injuring nine others. No one has yet claimed responsibility for that
>act.
>
>Barrancabermeja, a center of Colombian oil production, is also a
>flashpoint for violence in Colombia. It is arguably the most violent
>city in the Western Hemisphere; a political killing has occurred every
>17 hours this year. According to an article in last month's Harper's,
>paramilitaries plan a 100-person massacre there by the end of 2000.
>
>What you can do ---------------
>Contact Colombian and U.S. officials and demand the following:
>
>1. That the Colombian government recognize and support the work of human
>rights organizations throughout Colombia
>2. That the Colombian government guarantee to preserve the life and
>physical and psychological security of all human rights defenders in
>Colombia, especially in Barrancabermeja
>3. That the Colombian government denounce all threats to human rights
>workers in Colombia, especially these most recent ones in
>Barrancabermeja
>4. That the Colombian government pursue and prosecute all parties who
>threaten human rights workers, to the fullest extent of the law
>
>Contacts --------
>Read the original ASFADDES description of the threats made against them
>and against CREDHOS, and contact the officials below.
>
>Urgent Action from ASFADDES ---------------------------
>
>The Association of Friends and Family of Detained and Disappeared of
>Colombia (ASFADDES) denounces the following acts before the national and
>international community.
>
>Acts ----
>The most recent threats were received during the celebration of the "For
>life and human rights" forum, which was capped off on 29th and 30th of
>September in Barrancabermeja. On this occasion, threats from
>paramilitary groups were deposited in the form of pamphlets, left in the
>bathrooms of the building where the event occurred. In those pamphlets,
>they accused human rights defenders of being guerrillas, saying:
>
>"FOR ONE COLOMBIA FOR ALL, A FREE COUNTRY.................
>BARRANCABERMEJA, 28 SEPTEMBER 2000
>
>"BE IT KNOWN AND ADVERTISED......
>
>"THE AUC HAS DETERMINED THAT HUMAN RIGHTS WORKERS, PARTICULARLY THE
>MEMBERS OF THE REGIONAL CORPORATION FOR THE DEFENSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS
>(CREDHOS), ARE AUXILIARIES OF THE GUERRILLAS. IN THIS CASE, FROM THIS
>MOMENT WE HAVE MADE THEM A MILITARY TARGET OF OUR ORGANIZATION. IT IS
>WORTH IT TO SAY THAT ALL OF THAT BULLSHIT THAT THEY ARE DOING IS THE
>POLITICS OF FARC AND ELN GUERRILLAS, WHOM WE ALREADY KNOW PAY THEIR
>BILLS.
>
>"WE, THE AUC, AS ANTISUBVERSIVES ARE GOING TO COMPLETE A SOCIAL
>CLEANSING IN BARRANCABERMEJA AND THROUGHOUT ALL OF COLOMBIA, FOR A
>COUNTRY FREE OF KIDNAPPINGS, EXTORTION AND DECEIT.
>
>"WE HAVE DETERMINED THAT THE MEMBERS OF CREDHOS AS WORKERS OF THE
>POLITICAL PART OF THE FARC AND ELN GUERRILLAS. WE ALREADY KNOW WHO THESE
>INDIVIDUALS ARE, AND WHERE THEY ARE LOCATED, AND THAT THEY DO NO MORE
>THAN DENOUNCE CRIMES OF THE AUC AND LABEL US CONSTANTLY AS ENEMIES OF
>PEACE AND NEVERTHELESS DO NOT PUBLICLY DENOUNCE THE CRIMES OF THE
>GUERRILLAS.
>
>"WE ARE DOING THIS CLEANSING FOR THE FUTURE OF COLOMBIA BECAUSE IF WE
>ELIMINATE WE WOULD BE CONTRIBUTING TO THE COUNTRY WE WANT.
>
>"WE HAVE IN OUR POSSESSION A CLEANSING LIST AND WE ARE GOING TO GIVE
>SOME STATISTICS ON THESE S.O.B. GUERRILLAS, WHOM WE WILL KILL SHORTLY.
>
>"CREDHOS: 20-SOMETHING MEMBERS S.O.B.'s "ASFADDES: 3, AND YOU KNOW WHO
>YOU ARE S.O.B.'s "
>
>We reiterate our worry in the face of the insecurity and repression that
>human rights defenders suffer in Colombia, and in particular for life
>and security of the members of ASFADDES and the local sections of the
>same organization, as well as those of CREDHOS.
>
>For the past several months, insistent threats and harrassment against
>the members of ASFADDES, at the national level, and CREDHOS, in
>Barranca, have grown.
>
>Requested Action ----------------
>As previously expressed, we request correspondence directed to Colombian
>authorities to demand:  To the government elucidation of the denounced
>acts.  To the government, guarantees to preserve the life and physical
>and psychological security of all human rights defenders and especially
>those of ASFADDES and CREDHOS, who at this time run a great deal of
>


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