>X-eGroups-Return: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > >ML Update : A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine >Vol.-3; No.-43; 1-11-2000 > > >Editorial > > >Of Retrenchment and Retirement: >Change of Guard in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal > >With Assembly election slated for early next year, both BJP-ruled U.P. >and Left-ruled West Bengal witnessed rather predictable changes of >guard. In U.P., Ram Prakash Gupta�s eminently forgettable innings has >been brought to an end soon after Vajpayee�s knee-replacement operation. >The BJP government in UP had all along been notorious for brutal police >atrocities and systematic minority-bashing. Under Ram Prakash Gupta�s >stewardship, the state administration had also touched new lows of >inefficiency and the BJP was faced with mounting mass anger and >alienation as well as severe organizational crisis and erosion of >influence. Against this backdrop, the Sangh Parivar has catapulted an >aggressive strongman like Rajnath Singh to the Chief Minister�s chair. >The desperate move has obviously evoked comparison with similar >exercises undertaken in the past, especially in Delhi when Sushma Swaraj >was brought in to replace a discredited Saheb Singh Verma. In the event, >the replacement could not stop the subsequent poll debacle and it >remains to be seen whether Gupta�s replacement by Singh can arrest the >BJP�s fast dwindling electoral fortune. The party had suffered a >humiliating marginalisation in the recent panchayat elections, and we >will soon see if the municipal elections due later this year have any >different story to tell. >The return of Kalraj Mishra as the president of the state unit of the >BJP and the rise of Rajnath Singh as the chief minister however mark a >serious crisis for the BJP�s experiment with so-called social >engineering. For the time being the party has obviously chosen to >suspend and even sacrifice its ambitious plans of expanding into the OBC >base and has instead chosen to consolidate the party�s traditional upper >caste appeal which too had started fading in recent times. This >attempted consolidation is of course being sought to be supplemented by >equally desperate attempts to work out a fresh deal with the BSP. The >BJP�s back-to-square-one approach is also likely to witness desperate >attempts at a deliberate aggravation of communal tension and >criminalisation of politics. The times ahead will indeed prove >challenging for democratic forces in the state. >The change of guard in West Bengal is of course a study in contrast. >When Jyoti Basu bows out on November 6, he will be opting for a kind of >voluntary retirement to bring to an end an uninterrupted and protracted >chief ministerial stint of more than 23 years. He had been harbouring >retirement plans since 1996 when he had received the offer for the top >job in Delhi. Now when he retires, there is no offer waiting for him in >Delhi, even though the party has now readied its programme for any such >eventuality. Basu had also announced his plans to step down a few months >ago, but a resurgent Mamata wave and threats of central intervention had >forced him to defer his move. Since then the CPI(M) in Bengal believes >to have turned the table considerably on the TMC. Many of the villages >�lost� to the TMC have been �recaptured� and politically Mamata finds >herself in a soup over the hike in petro-prices. Basu�s retirement at >this opportune moment, the CPI(M) strategists hope, would take some more >wind out of Mamata�s ambitious sails by blunting the edge of her >campaign directed all these years against Basu, the Chief Minister. >Mamata has already started terming Basu�s retirement an escapist >exercise, but what does she say about the replacement of Gupta in UP? >Moreover, having previously blamed communists for clinging to power till >death she has no basis for grudging Basu his well-deserved retirement. >It is now widely accepted that over the years the Left Front government >in West Bengal underwent an obvious metamorphosis in both theory and >practice and this slideback towards a social-democratic course has >clearly carried a strong imprint of Basu�s leadership. In the process >Basu has of course developed a Vajpayee-like supra-party aura, a case of >the-right-man-in-the-wrong-party kind. The party too has developed the >art of treating him differently, no other leader could have got away >with the kind of public fulmination against the party�s so-called >�historic blunder� that we have heard repeatedly from Basu since 1996. >And now Basu has also managed to leave his mark on the party�s �updated� >programme. But the more he has been trying to recast himself as a >communist Bidhan Roy, the more has he failed to placate the upwardly >mobile sections of the middle classes in West Bengal. Meanwhile, >considerable sections of the industrial working class have been steadily >moving away from the party, and now agricultural labourers and other >sections of the rural poor are also showing growing signs of unease and >unrest. Basu�s charisma may have helped cement the Left Front coalition >above, but the social alliance underneath has certainly started >developing multiple cracks. >As the Buddhadev Bhattacharyas, Subhas Chakrabartys and Saifuddin >Chowdhurys fight it out among themselves over their respective shares of >the Basu legacy, the CPI(M) in West Bengal, and by extension in the >entire country, is evidently faced with a difficult transition. However >much the Sangh Parivar may like to relish this with chuckles, genuine >communists will surely draw the right lessons from experiences of the >Basu era and make sure that the saffron chuckles are adequately answered >by a different kind of red resurgence. > > >Press release > > >Statement by Party GS on Developments in U.P. > >"A token replacement of the Chief Minister in UP will in no way be able >to lessen the growing mass anger against the notorious RSS-backed regime >in the state. In all likelihood, the experiment of replacing Ram Prakash >Gupta by Rajnath Singh will end in a similar fiasco as the farcical >exercise enacted earlier in Delhi when Sahib Singh Verma had been >replaced by Sushma Swaraj. The beleaguered BJP Govt. had collapsed >miserably in Delhi and now it is awaiting a similar collapse in UP. >"The unceremonious removal of Ram Prakash Gupta and the catapulting of >Rajnath Singh as the Chief Minister coupled with Kalraj Mishra's rise as >the party chief indicate a collapse of the BJP's experiments with so >called social engineering in UP. With this bankruptcy of the saffron >enterprise of social engineering, the BJP in UP is back to square one. >The BJP led government in the state has all along been notorious for its >anti-minority stance particularly for the veritable witch-hunt of >Muslims in the name of combating ISI-sponsored activities. Secular and >democratic forces will now have to remain alert against any possible >saffron attempt to whip up Hindu communal frenzy over Ayodhya and other >issues of minority-bashing. Dalit activists in the state must also be on >their guard against any possible political deal between the BJP and the >BSP." >Party also condemned the growing incidence of atrocities on dalits in >several parts of UP and demanded stern action against DM and SP of >Barabanki for failing to apprehend the real culprits of October 20 >incident of violence against dalits in which three persons had lost >their lives due to the acid thrown on them by the feudal criminals and >dozens got seriously injured. > > >Commentary > >Balance-sheet of Jyoti Basu's Governance > >Having led the Left Front government for 23 long years, Jyoti Basu >cannot complain shortage of time, instability of government or >interference from the Centre. But the economy of the state has either >stagnated or slipped down by all indications. Unemployment of youth has >gone up leaps and bounds while the number of closed industrial units has >shot up during this period. West Bengal has allowed other states to >surpass it in SDP, per capita income and percentage of people living >above poverty line. >The state, which ranked third in terms of net domestic products in >1975-76, had slipped to the fifth position in 96-97. In per capita >income standing, it has fallen down more sharply from the sixth position >in 1976 to thirteenth position in 1991. The India Human Development >Report prepared by the National Council of Applied Economic Research >(NCAER) places West Bengal at an embarrassing 15th position with per >capita income much lower than Punjab's Rs. 6,380, Haryana's Rs. 6,368, >Kerala's Rs. 5,778 and Andhra's Rs. 5046. >The state is ranked next to Orissa from the bottom in terms of >percentage of population below the poverty line. Against a national >average of 39%, West Bengal has a poor 51%. The much touted PDS is also >least used in West Bengal along with Bihar, Orissa and U.P. Incidence of >second degree malnutrition or stunted growth is high in West Bengal >matching the figures of Bihar, U.P. and the Northeast. Purchasing power >of the rural population is also below other states. Ownership of >durables, a key indicator to rural economic health is among the lowest >in West Bengal. It ranks alongside Bihar, Orissa, U.P. with the lowest >record of electrified villages. A high proportion of households in rural >Bengal do not have access to tap water, according to the latest Human >Development Report. >According to its 1964 Party Programme, CPI(M) had sought to come to >power in states to introduce moderate reforms and provide modest relief >to the people with this "higher weapon of class struggle". >Abovementioned facts show that apart from suppressing the class struggle >in the state with this "weapon", the Left Front govt. has miserably >failed even in its above said objectives. This gives us no surprise, for >when a social-democratic party attempts to run a bourgeois government >according to bourgeois rules of the game, it has to fall victim to >bourgeois maladies and end up only in creating illusions about the >bourgeois system. If anywhere Jyoti Basu has scored a limited success, >it is on this count. Bidding him farewell in his retirement party the >bourgeoisie may extend him heartiest thanks, but what reason would the >proletariat and toiling people find to do so? > > >Protests & resistance > >Party Opposes Killings of Bihari Workers by ULFA and Attack on Church > >Party strongly condemned the brutal killing of 16 migrant labourer from >Bihar by ULFA mercenaries in Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts of Assam. >Citing similar massacres of migrant Bihari labourers in Karbi Anglong of >Assam as well as Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab, Party called upon the >ruling RJD-Congress coalition in the state to shed its continuing apathy >and insensitivity regarding the deteriorating conditions of migrant >Bihari workers and put pressure on the Centre and other concerned state >governments to provide better security and working conditions to the >poor and helpless labourers who are being forced to migrate for sheer >survival. >Party also condemned the attack on a church in Nagpur and said that >following the RSS threat to the Christians to homogenise with Hindutwa >or perish, such anti-Christian terrorist activities are bound to >multiply. Party appealed to all progressive, democratic and patriotic >forces to strongly protest the RSS terror tactics of intimidation, >assault and killing. > > >For Development of Bihar, Against Criminalisation > >Seminar, meetings and other activities have been intensified all over >the state under the banner of Bihar development movement. On 17 Oct. a >development convention was organised by student youth organisations at >Vidyapati Bhawan in Patna, in which more than 300 students and youth >participated. It was addressed by Party Gen. Secy. Com. Dipankar >Bhattacharya, Prof. Nawal Kishor Chaudhary and some other renowned >intellectuals. Com. Dipankar said that whereas Bihar is facing the brunt >of economic backwardness, notorious politicians of Bihar are adding >insult to injury by showering empty phrases of development and >reconstruction and holding ostentatious political shows. NDA and >RJD-Congress alliance are beating one-another in criminalisation of >politics and economy in Bihar and only they are responsible for the >anarchy and misery that has already reached dangerous levels by now. The >government notoriously known for scams never had the development of >Bihar as its priority agenda even slogan's sake. No central minister or >the so-called core group of MPs of Bihar has succeeded in getting any >concrete plan of industrialisation and infrastructural investment for >Bihar's development implemented. Only a powerful democratic movement can >rescue Bihar from this mounting crisis. CPI(ML) has already initiated it >and now the agenda of development must be made central agenda of >politics in Bihar. >In this sequence, a seminar was organised at Urdu Library in Motihari, >the first of its kind, on 18 October. Apart from Com. Dipankar >Bhattacharya, Com. Nandji Ram, convenor of Khet Mazdoor Sabha and other >intellectuals addressed the seminar. It was attended by around 500 >participants. >Another seminar on the same topic was organised at Kala Bhawan in Purnea >on 20 October. Apart from Com. Dipankar Bhattacharya, Com. Ramjatan >Sharma, Com. Prabhat Kumar, a number of CPI, CPI(M) and old socialist >leaders also addressed the seminar. Around 350 persons attended the >seminar. >Party organised a seminar on the same subject on 20 October at Dehri on >Sone. It was inaugurated by Com. Pawan Sharma. Apart from other >speakers, Com. Arun Singh, MLA from Karakat, Rajaram Singh MLA from Obra >and Ashok Singh also addressed the seminar that was attended by over >1,500 people including representatives of Rohtas Udyog Bachao Sangharsh >Morcha. >Thousands of people under the leadership of the Party organised rail >roko on 23 October at Nirmali subdivision of Supaul district on the >demands of constructing high dam on Koshi river, linking Supaul by rail >and road, and permanent solution to the chronic problem of flood. Led by >Com. Muktimohan, Dinesh Mahato and Swarnima, the agitators faced brutal >lathicharge by police. >A dharna was staged protesting rise in petroleum prices as well as on >developmental problems before the Chhapra collectorate. More than 100 >persons participated in the dharna. A memorandum was handed over to the >DM. >A protest meeting against police repression was held at Barsoi in >Katihar on 19 October. Attended by over 500 people it was addressed by >Com. Ramjatan Sharma, who condemned the police for implicated 8 party >cadres along with Com. Mahboob Alam in a false case at the instance of >local BJP MP, and beating a party activist Com. Shamshul. Withdrawal of >false cases against Com. Mahboob Alam and others was demanded. In the >evening a cadre training camp was held at Gwaltoli in Barsoi in which 60 >cadres participated. It was addressed by Com. Ramjatan Sharma and Sudama >Prasad, member of Bihar State Committee. >A protest march was held in Patna on 18 October condemning Tahira >massacre in Siwan. Recently 17 persons have been killed in two massacres >at Mujahidapur and Tahira villages of Siwan perpetrated by RJD backed >criminal gang of Shahabuddin and BJP-Samata backed criminal gang of >Satish Pandey etc. Party conducted a week-long mass campaign from 18 to >23 October against massacre and communalism in hundreds of villages, >which was culminated in a "harmony rally" on 24 october. On 24 October >Com. Dipankar visited Mujahidapur and Tahira villages and met people >there. The administration clamped prohibitory orders on the rally to >disrupt it and prevented thousands of people from reaching Siwan. Still, >more than 2000 people participated in the march led by Com. Dipankar, >Ramjatan Sharma, KD Yadav, Amarnath Yadav, Arun Singh, Satyadev Ram, MLA >from Mairwan and Murtza Ali. While the march was detained, the leaders >along with 4000 supporters were arrested. Against this highhandedness, >protest day was observed throughout Bihar on 25 October. Programmes were >also held in Calcutta, Jaipur, Guwahati, Lucknow and elsewhere. > > >Anti-Price Hike Rally in North Dinajpur of W.B. > > >On 23 October 10 CPI(ML) factions jointly protested against steep rise >in diesel, petrol and kerosine prices throughout Bengal. In North >Dinajpur, our Party took initiative to mobilise around 4,000 people in a >procession to DM office covering 4-km route. When the agitators broke >the police cordon in front of the DM office, police conducted >lathicharge but the people did not get dispersed. A meeting was held >there addressed by District Party Secy. Com. Ajit Das, veteran Com. >Ramdas Mandal and Sushanta Sarkar. A delegation met the DM and handed >over a memorandum to him. The speakers condemned BJP-led government's >policy of surrender to imperialst globalisation which is getting >manifested in one after another attack on people's livelihood, and >called upon people to get prepared for larger and intensified protest >movement in the coming days. > > > >Initiatives > >Initiatives in Kerala > >On 19 October, with the formation of RYA Palakkad unit, a study class >was organised on expanding RYA. Party State Leading Team Secretary Com. >John K. Erumeli inaugurated the class and SLT member O.P. Kunju Pillai >conducted it. Com. Joy Peter T. and Com. Kannal A.R. provided the >orientation to the discussion. >Kerala State Leading Team published the Malayalam translation of two >articles appeared in Liberation on the critical exposure of the draft >programme of CPI(M) and conducted a wide discussion on these. > > >Area Conference in Mahrauli of Delhi > >On 30 October area conference of Mahrauli was held in which 45 comrades >including 36 delegates and 9 guests took part. Com. Rajendra Pratholi, >Secy. of Delhi State Committee was the chief guest. A work report was >presented and discussed upon. The conference elected a 9 member >committee with Com. Ranjan Ganguli as its secretary. The conference >resolved to intensify work in three areas and on the basis of this >expansion, hold district conference by the end of next year. > > >International > >Third World People Say No To WB-IMF > >A report released to coincide with the Sep. 26 protests against the >World Bank and IMF in Prague catalogues more than 50 separate episodes >of protest against World Bank-IMF policies in 13 poor countries >involving more than a million people in the past ten months since >Seattle. Half the protests ended in violent clashes with police and >military. Ten people lost their lives, and more than 300 got injured. >>From Argentina to Zambia, farmers, workers, teachers and priests have >called for an end to IMF-imposed economic reforms. While the media >attention in the West has focused on protests in the developed >countries, the report argues that these were "just the tip of the >iceberg". "In the global south, a far deeper and wide- ranging movement >has been developing for years, largely ignored by the media", it states. > >"Millions of people around the world have seen the IMF attempting to >undermine their national governments. It is seen forcing countries into >a one size for all blue-print economic development, in the so-called >structural adjustment programs. "All these policies hurt the poor. Most >governments in the developing countries, seeking to retain power and to >be acceptable internationally, choose the IMF over their own people" , >the report states. >The report summarises the protests in 13 countries. In Argentina a >series of strikes and protests took place against the government. In >Bolivia, escalating protests against the privatisation of water and a >200% price hike led to a general strike and serious movements called for >an end to IMF policies. The president declared a state of emergency and >soldiers were deployed. At least six people were killed. In Brazil more >than a million people voted against IMF reform in a mock referendum, and >several thousands followed the vote with a mass demonstration called the >"cry of the excluded". In Ecuador, a mass movement of 40,000 people >opposing further IMF reforms, led to the storming of Congress and >subsequently a bloodless military coup. Despite its new president, IMF >has continued with its reforms, leading to continued riots and civil >unrest. > > >'Strengthen the Party' Campaign > > >Principles of Democratic Centralism > >Now, on the question of democratic centralism there is a debate. So many >things have bee said. I think the most important point was: the right to >legitimate opposition, i.e., a bloc sort of thing, as a method to unify >different parties in India into a single large Party. It is better if >one sticks to the formulation that there is only one way of uniting >different left factions and left parties into a single communist party. >For the unification of left factions and communist parties we already >have a different idea, viz. left confederation. In spite of all the >existing differences among different parties, we can make this >experiment for a broader unity of left confederation. But within a >single communist party if we try that experiment... so far the >experiences have proved to be negative. There has been the PCC which >tried to operate on that basis. And all that tricks of unification in >the communist movement and the ML movement on the basis of bloc >operation and legitimized opposition have all ended in fiasco. >They have only given rise to more groups than they had united. In >contrast to that if we look at our Party's history and experience we >never went for unity on that premise. But still comrades from different >groups and different parties have always been coming to join our Party. >If you check up our Party membership you will find a good percentage of >them -- I think their numbers may perhaps surpass the number of comrades >who were originally with us in 1974 -- have come from other parties... >Some factions have even dissolved their organizations and united with >our party. That way we have been able to unite a good number of left and >Naxalite revolutionaries with our party. This has been our history. ... >But the fundamental point of democratic centralism is that the whole >party is subordinated to the CC, an additional formulation which often >some comrades forget. This is perhaps the most important one. And this >way the whole relation is reversed. The entire party means a big >majority while the Central Committee is a minority of 25 members. This >is very unusual. This is very different. And this is the whole crux of >communist party's democratic centralism. Unless this is understood >perhaps you cannot understand the full concept of democratic centralism >in its integrity. >-- Vinod Mishra, Selected Works, p 467-468. > > _______________________________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. Box 66 00841 Helsinki - Finland +358-40-7177941, fax +358-9-7591081 e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.kominf.pp.fi _______________________________________________________ Kominform list for general information. Subscribe/unsubscribe messages to [EMAIL PROTECTED] Anti-Imperialism list for anti-imperialist news. Subscribe/unsubscribe messages: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED] _______________________________________________________
