> The Lost Boys > Mel Huang > > Earlier this year, Latvia received a nasty reality check when the popular > Centrs department store was bombed. As a result of the incident, people > realised that, whatever the reason for the blast was and whoever the > perpetrators were, Latvia, like any other country in the world, is not > immune from public terrorism. > > Unfortunately, Latvia seems to be a magnet for such occurences, very much > due to its complicated history. History plays a major role in modern > society, and is especially visible in Latvia. Latvia's diplomatic premises > in Russia are regularly attacked with eggs or even firebombs, such as this > past week. Requests for additional security from Russian authorities have > been denied each time on funding grounds. The diplomatic premises also > constantly face protests from various groups, demanding, for example, the > release of those convicted of genocide or the relaxation of language and > citizenship laws. > > However, others go even further, calling for the restoration of the Soviet > Union or some form of revocation of Latvia's independence. One such group in > particular is causing Latvian authorities a lot of headaches. Worse, that > group could soon be testing the patience of ordinary Latvians, which will to > little to relieve tension between the Latvian-and Russian-speaking > communities in Riga and the rest of the country. > > A "lost generation" courted > > One of the various right-wing extremist groups that operate in Russia, and > by proxy anywhere that boasts a large ethnic Russian population, is the > National Bolsheviks. This group represents the worst chauvinistic attitudes > of the former Moscow regime and openly challenges the independence of > countries such as Latvia. > > As expected, the Bolsheviks have an active branch in Latvia, comprised > mostly of young, unemployed and disenfranchised males-very much a textbook > case of extremism. Many of these young men grew up in Riga, a city that is, > despite what any nationalist sympathisers would say, effectively bilingual. > The Bolsheviks' sympathisers, however, have had little chance or need to > learn Latvian and become enfranchised. > > Many Russian-speaking youths in their teens and 20s comprise a "lost > generation" in both Latvia and Estonia; most finished their compulsory > education around the time the local languages were made official and thus > were never really pushed into learning the language. The younger set > probably lived out the tail end of their school years in post-restoration > Latvia, but was already rooted in a different reality. > > Therefore, the best excuse for educators, and, more importantly, those who > set education policy, to prioritise language learning-thus, de facto > enfranchising-is a good close look at this "lost generation." And, of > course, there are opportunistic members of an older generation that become > leaders of such groups and take advantage of their youthful followers' > conditions. > > Like in many countries around the world, the disenfranchisement felt by > these young men evolved into extremism. Belonging to a group such as the > National Bolsheviks, the Russian National Unity or other extremist > orgnaisations is a kind of enfranchisement for these youths. Parallels can > be drawn with the gangs of Los Angeles, the neo-Nazis of Germany and even > the out-of-hand protests in Prague and Seattle. And for the disenfranchised > Russian-speaking youth in Latvia, a group such as the National Bolsheviks > provides one such outlet (some argue better than drugs). However, as do many > of the similar groups around the world, the group goes beyond legal > boundaries. > > Crashing a party > > The celebration of Latvia's 82nd independence day on 18 November was marred > by several negative news bits, one of which has direct bearing on the issue > of extremist youths. With information and help from Russia, Latvian > authorities prepared for possible disruption of the festivities surrounding > the holiday. News first came earlier in the week that three National > Bolsheviks, en route from Russia to Kaliningrad and in transit through > Latvian territory, jumped the train; however, through the co-operation of > law enforcement officers in both countries and the work of the Latvian > Border Guards and others the four fugitives were caught in no time. > > The incident confirmed that something was, in fact, brewing, and officials > feared the stunt-in which one youth ended up in hospital due to the jump-was > a diversion for something more serious. Several other local and Russian > members of the group were also detained as a precaution when they were found > meeting in the eastern city of Daugavpils. > > On the eve of independence day, two more events occurred. First, flyers were > found around Riga's train station calling for a National Bolshevik-led > protest at the Lestene cemetery, where there is a monument to fallen members > of the Latvian Legion. Police kept a close eye on the cemetery, but nothing > happened. Authorities were tipped off that something could happen in Riga at > some of the city's famous landmarks and began heavy patrolling of those > areas. Then it happened. > > > They came for > the view > Several members of the National Bolsheviks staged a protest on the > picturesque viewing platform on the steeple of St Peter's Church, one of > Riga's main landmarks. They unfurled red flags and shouted demands, such as > the release of their compatriots, the release of those convicted of genocide > and the abandonment of Latvia's NATO membership bid. They also claimed they > had a grenade and were ready to blow the steeple up, which immediately got > the anti-terrorist Omega squad involved. The National Bolsheviks were > detained and the grenade was later found to be a dummy. The three protestors > arrested were Russian citizens. > > After the incident, one of the more notorious local members of the National > Bolsheviks, Aijo Beness, voiced off against Latvian authorities for the > detention of his mates. Beness, already known to authorities on account of a > conviction for vandalism he received earlier this year, told a local > Russian-language paper that there are almost two dozen other National > Bolsheviks in Latvia and that they are "angry and ready to do anything." > Beness suggested in the interview that Latvian citizens could be kidnapped > in order to be exchanged for their compatriots' release and that other > Latvian sites could be "occupied." > > These are among the most extremist threats ever made publicly to Latvians, > and they have forced officials to deal more seriously with what was > previously thought to be just a rag-tag group of misfits. The Foreign > Ministry has said that it has information indicating that possibly several > other National Bolsheviks from Russia are in Latvia. > > What if it had been real? > > The obvious issue here is what if the grenade had been real? That question > is both a practical and a philosophical one. Practically, it is obvious what > possible carnage could have occurred with a live grenade in the hands of > extremists. But it is the philosophical view that is the more dangerous one. > What if the threats voiced by Beness are carried through, and Latvian > citizens in Russia face the prospect of injury, kidnapping or worse? The > Latvian consulate in St Petersburg was hit by firebombs the same evening the > Bolsheviks climbed the steeple; could the terror campaign escalate to a > point where someone is injured or killed? > > Even before the St Peter's protest, Prime Minister Andris Berzins had > already called the earlier events a "very, very serious warning" of possible > further extremist behaviour around the independence day celebrations. As > this rag-tag bunch of disenfranchised kids-led by opportunistic > schemers-become more radicalised, the possibilities of further action > increase. In just one year, the situation has already progressed from > distributing leaflets to public protests, a vandalism campaign and the siege > of a tourist landmark. If anything, with the 800th jubilee anniversary of > Riga coming up next year, it could escalate even more. Authorities need to > take note now, before the one chance to show the best of Latvia to tourists > from around the world is dented by young thugs. > > Such events can also snowball very quickly and get out of control. Take, for > example, the case in Lviv, Ukraine, in which a well-known composer was > beaten to death by Russian speakers just because he was singing folk songs > in Ukrainian. That set off a spiral of tension in the city, and something > similar could very easily happen in Riga. And that would be a major blow to > the slow but noticeable progress in the country's integration process. Such > fears should, if anything, force officials to take more seriously the entire > integration issue and bring a positive light to something many in > officialdom see as negative. > > In many respects, the problem of the National Bolsheviks in this situation > is one of a wider scope and is closely connected to the ever more > encompassing integration problem. As long as there are groups that feel > disenfranchised, extremist organisations will always find new members. > Latvia does not take much care of those "down and out," a good example being > the large number of street children in Riga. But completely losing these > already parlty "lost" generations now will just bring more headaches in the > future and will negatively impact Latvia for many more generations. > Officials in Riga need to take heed and remember that they serve everyone. > > Mel Huang, 27 November 2000 > > ____________________________________________________________________________ _________
