----- Original Message -----
From: Francisco Javier Bernal <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: Stop NATO! - No Pasarn <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Saturday, December 23, 2000 10:23 PM
Subject: Smile, and we might yet defeat global ca [STOPNATO.ORG.UK]


STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK

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The Independent (UK)


Smile, and we might yet defeat global capitalism

Alternative View

By Mark Steel

29 December 2000

"We need a revolution," said the lad, no more than 19,
in the packed meeting organised by People and Planet
at the University of Warwick. "And we, I mean us here,
can begin to make that revolution â€" right after this
meeting by..." He paused. What would he say? By
mobilising the peasantry of the Coventry area? By
going on a Long March to Leicester? "By smiling," he
said. "When these capitalist bastards see everyone
smiling, they won't know what to do."

There are obvious flaws to this strategy, not least
that such a movement would be bound to split, with a
militant wing breaking away to laugh, while the
smilers denounced them as impatient hot-heads. But the
most notable side to his speech was that somehow it
didn't seem mad. In fact there was an endearing
freshness about him. He was enthusiastic, genuinely
interested in what everyone thought of his idea, and
it was positive â€" his starting point was "we can do
something".

And it came a few days after I'd been on holiday in
Athens, during which I was invited to a meeting about
"anti-capitalist protest". The first shock on arriving
was the venue, a beautiful open-air theatre, bats
fluttering through the twilight above clicking
crickets while lights from the Acropolis flickered as
a backdrop. I wanted to scream: "This is all wrong.
Don't you know meetings like this are supposed to be
in bare, freezing halls with a broken heater, and
start an hour late because no one can find the bloke
with the key? You people don't know how to organise a
meeting at all." Then instead of the customary 10
people, 700 arrived, including the deputy leader of
the Greek equivalent to the TUC, and the writer of the
year's best-selling novel throughout Greece.

These incidents would tell us nothing about the year
2000, except that unofficial global rumblings tend to
back them up. The book No Logo, by Naomi Klein, a cry
against corporate greed, has sold over 100,000 copies.
And it's spawned a library of books with titles like
Globalize This!, Globalization and Resistance and
Resist Globalization. Soon all the permutations will
be used up, so we'll get books called "Resisting
national global corporate trans-corporate
globo-nationalness". Susan George, a veteran
campaigner against third-world debt, who has spent 25
years speaking largely to handfuls of academics, now
regularly fills theatres holding a thousand or more,
so that long-term fans probably feel like supporters
of Fulham or Sunderland, muttering "Baaah, it was
cosier when we were shite."

One "anti-capitalist conference", in Millau, France,
attracted 80,000 people. Internationally newsworthy
protests against Third-World debt and huge
corporations took place in Melbourne, Prague and Nice.
Ralph Nader, the US presidential candidate supporting
this movement, won 2.5 million votes and attracted
between 10,000 and 16,000 at his rallies. If enough
journalists had been covering these events, one of
them would have declared that anti-globalisation was
the new rock and roll.

None of this was sufficient to threaten world leaders.
But it was a sign of changing values. In 1989, at the
fall of the Berlin Wall, the consensus was that the
free market had triumphed, and was destined to enrich
the planet. Now, while there is little nostalgia for
the grotesque regimes of Stalinist eastern Europe, the
free market staggers across the stage to a diminishing
audience. In Russia, life expectancy has decreased by
10 years, and in Africa the average income in almost
every country continues to decline. "Structural
adjustment programmes", in which economies are taken
over by organisations such as the World Bank, who
enforce privatisation and cuts in public spending,
have been imposed on 90 countries.

Gradually, these measures are provoking opposition.
One consequence of this trend is that "globalisation"
has become one of those words â€" like "glasnost" in the
Eighties â€" that everyone uses though few can explain
what it means. A common definition is that you can no
longer do anything about anything. For example John
Monks, the leader of the TUC, when asked for his
opinion on job closures at Luton, blamed
"globalisation". He looked like a football manager
interviewed after a game, wistfully remarking, "I
don't agree with the decision but at the end of the
day what globalisation says is final and we've just
got to accept it."

By the end of 2001, if you take a dodgy car back to
the dealer you bought it from, you can expect them to
squeal, "Well there's nothing I can do about that,
it's yer globalisation, see."

One strange result of all this has been that the most
enthusiastic backers of the ethos that nothing can
function unless someone will make a profit from it are
the old parties once considered to be on the left â€"
and none more so than Britain's New Labour. They
continued to embrace big business as a virtue, and
search for any last utilities to privatise, like
someone with no money hunting down the back of the
settee. Eventually they could yell, "Aha, I've found
air traffic control, that'll do."

So disillusionment with the major parties continued,
and when this was reflected in historically low
turn-outs at elections, the excuses were surreal. "The
reason people didn't bother to vote for us," said New
Labour spokesperson Patricia Hewitt, was that "they
are satisfied by us." Which must make for some
splendid debates during canvassing. "Will you vote for
us?" "No thank you, because I think you're
marvellous." "Well vote for us then." "No, I don't
want to spoil your splendid record by voting for you."


Across western Europe and America a similar pattern
has emerged, of traditional left-of-centre parties
becoming increasingly tied to the free market, as the
failures of that market become more apparent. So if
you're 19, and flushed with a desire to redress the
growing inequality stalking the planet, you're hardly
likely to venture in that direction. And joining
Labour to turn it into a radical campaigning party
would seem as ridiculous as joining the RAC to turn it
into a radical campaigning breakdown service.

So the modern generation of activists looks outside
the old organisations. They are often described as
anarchists, but only because "anarchist" has come to
mean anyone radical with a nose-stud. Some are members
of groups such as Jubilee 2000, including the
Christian couple who told me that they had taken their
holiday in Prague because "we can go to a museum in
the morning and a protest in the afternoon." But most
are not part of any organisation. Instead, they are
the thin end of a wedge that includes millions around
the world who have come to the conclusion that, when
the richest 360 people on the planet own the same
amount of wealth as the poorest two billion, something
has gone wrong.

And, when you think about it, if all the two billion
got together and smiled at the 360, that would look
pretty spooky.




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 This is not about the world that we inherited from our forefathers,
     It is about the world we have borrowed from our children !!
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