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From: "Julián Gutiérrez" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Mon, 08 Jan 2001 20:43:44 -0000
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [CubaNews] Cuban Democracy
REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRACY IN CUBA
by Charles McKelvey
Since 1959, Cuba has sought to develop a revolutionary
alternative to
the multi-party system practiced in the democracies of the core
nations in
the world economy. The Cuban rejection of the multi-party system in
the
revolutionary epoch is deeply rooted in Cuban history. In the 19th
century,
Cuban revolutionaries attributed the failure of the Ten Years War
(1868-78)
to divisions among Cubans, which they sought to overcome during the
1880s
and 1890s by forging a single political party, the Cuban Revolutionary
Party. By the 1890s, the Cuban Revolutionary Party attained a unity
of
consciousness and goals and was able to attain its military
objectives,
making U.S. military intervention necessary for the preservation of
core
control. During the era of the neo-colonial republic, Cubans had a
two-party system, and they found that this system promoted the
interests of
U.S. capital and the national elite, and it frustrated popular
interests.
In addition, they found that the U.S.-imposed two-party system in Cuba
tended to foster corruption among Cuban politicians.
Those of us from core democracies often tend to universalize the
multiple-party system, that is, we tend to assume that it is a system
that
should be applied everywhere, if there is to be democracy. In
universalizing our form of democracy, we overlook the fact that the
multi-party system emerged in a particular social and historical
context.
For example, many aspects of the political theory and practice of the
United
States emerged during the class conflicts of the last 30 years of the
18th
century. The replacement of the Articles of Confederation with the
Constitution of 1789 with its concentration of power in the federal
government and its system of checks and balance represented efforts
by the
large landholders and the emerging commercial bourgeoisie to constrain
popular democratic movements constituted by small farmers, artisans,
and
workers. And the formation of political associations, along with
conceptions of freedoms of association, assembly, speech and press,
emerged
in the context of that intense social conflict between the elite
class and
the popular movement.
The early political history of the United States illustrates how
political concepts and customs emerge in a particular historical and
social
context. Concepts that emerge in one historical and political
context are
not necessarily applicable to another. Often political actors borrow
concepts developed in other social contexts and adapt them to their
own
social reality. This is an entirely legitimate activity and is
integral to
human social development in a modern multicultural world. But
powerful
nations do not have the right to impose the concepts of democracy
that they
have developed in their particular socio-historical contexts on other
nations, particularly when this imposition is accompanied by a
general lack
of understanding of these other historical and social contexts. The
struggle against such imposition is an integral part of the struggle
against
neo-colonial domination.
With the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, a fulfillment
of the
Cuban historic quest for national liberation mandated a critical
examination
of all the institutions of the neo-colonial republic, with the goal of
discerning how these institutions could be restructured to facilitate
the
construction of a more just and democratic society. In agriculture,
for
example, the logic of national liberation mandated an agrarian reform
program in the face of highly unequal patterns of land distribution
characterized by high levels of foreign ownership. And it mandated
revolutionary transformations in other areas as well, such as
education and
health. In regard to political structures, given that the structures
of the
core democracies were developed in an historical and social context
distinct
from that of Cuba, and given that the imposition of these political
structures was an integral part of the neo-colonial process, one would
certainly expect that the logic of national liberation would likewise
mandate a search for alternative political structures.
With the triumph of the revolution of 1959, the traditional
political
parties found themselves totally discredited in the public
consciousness.
The period of 1959 to 1961 represented a period in which the
revolutionary
government sought to act decisively in support of the interests of the
majority in a variety of areas. In regard to political structures,
the
government and the people deliberately rejected two-party elections,
seeking
to empower people and channel expressions of popular will through such
mechanisms as mass assemblies and mass organizations of workers, small
farmers, women and students as well as Committees for the Defense of
the
Revolution.
In 1970, there began a process of the institutionalization of
the
revolution. Structures of popular power were institutionalized
through the
1976 Constitution, which established elections of an alternative form
than
those found in core democracies. In the development of these
alternative
structures, great care was taken to develop a system of selecting
delegates
and deputies who are truly representative of the Cuban people and to
develop
a process that was not divisive or demeaning to the nation. The
political
system developed in Cuba is based on a foundation of local
elections. Urban
neighborhoods and rural areas are organized into voting districts,
each
consisting generally of 1000 to 1500 voters. The voting district
meets
regularly to discuss neighborhood or village problems. Every three
years,
the voting district conducts elections, in which from two to eight
candidates compete. The nominees are not nominated by the Communist
Party
or any other organization. The nominations are made by anyone in
attendance
at the meetings, which generally have a participation rate of 85% to
95%.
Those nominated are candidates for office without party affiliation.
A
one-page biography of all the candidates is widely distributed. The
nominees are generally known by the voters, since the voting district
is
generally not larger than 1500 voters. If no candidate receives 50%
of the
votes, a run-off election is held. Those elected serve
simultaneously as
delegates to the Popular Council and the Municipal Assembly. .
The Popular Councils were developed during the early 1990s.
Consisting
of municipal delegates and representatives of mass organizations, the
Popular Councils function at a level between the voting district and
the
municipality. They play a very important role in helping to find
solutions
for various practical problems.
The elected delegates to the Municipal Assembly participate in
the
process of developing a list of candidates for the provincial and
national
assemblies. This is a complex process. There are national and
provincial
candidacy commissions, composed of representatives of the mass
organizations. The candidacy commissions receive proposals for
pre-candidates to the national and provincial assemblies from mass
organizations at the national, provincial and municipal levels. After
further consultations with the mass organizations, the candidacy
commissions
present a list of pre-candidates to the municipal assemblies. If no
one
raises an objection, the precandidate is accepted as a candidate. If
someone raises an objection, a vote is held by a show of hands, and
if there
is more than 50%, the pre-candidate is accepted as a candidate. Once
the
full list of candidates is developed, the general assembly has a
secret
vote, in which each delegate can affirm or deny each candidate.
Those with
more than 50% of the votes are presented as candidates to the people
for the
general election. They are candidates from the particular
municipality for
the provincial and national assemblies. No more than 50% of the
candidates
for provincial and national assemblies can be delegates in the
municipal
assembly. This is to enable the identification of people who are not
well
known but who are devoted specialists in their fields and have
important
contributions to make. International observers have commented on the
high
moral and intellectual qualities of the candidates, as well as the
modest
social roots of many of them. The subsequent "campaigns" for
provincial and
national assemblies are very different from the political campaigns
of core
democracies. They enable the candidates and people to meet one
another, and
they also have an educational function in regard to the Cuban
political
process. The description of these campaigns found in Arnold August's
Democracy in Cuba and the 1997-98 Elections reveals their modesty and
their
majesty.
The national, provincial and municipal assemblies all make laws
appropriate for their levels of jurisdiction. They constitute the
legislative branch of the government. The legislative assemblies have
supervision over the various ministries, such as health and
education, in
their level of jurisdiction. The responsibilities of the assemblies
include
the election of administrators of the state at the appropriate
level. These
state administrators are salaried professionals who work on a full
time
basis. They administer the various ministries of the state in their
jurisdiction, and they are accountable to the assembly. At the
national
level, this selection of state administrators takes the form of
selecting
the President of the Council of State and the other 31 members of the
Council of State. This is done through a process in which the
National
Candidacy Commission receives proposals from the deputies of the
National
Assembly, and from these proposals it submits a list for presentation
to the
assembly, each deputy having the option of voting yes or no for each
candidate. To be accepted in the Council of State, the candidate must
receive more than 50% of the votes. The Council of States functions
as the
executive branch of the national government. Fidel Castro is the
President
of the Council of State, a position to which he has been re-elected
several
times. Fidel also is Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba
(elected
through a system of indirect representation which parallels the
electoral
process of the state) and Commander in Chief of the Revolutionary
Armed
Forces (a position that he has historically held, even prior to the
triumph
of the revolution). These positions parallel those held by the
President of
the United States, in that the President of the United States also is
the
Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and is the de facto head of his
political party (the Democratic or Republican Party) during his term
of
office. Fidel's longevity in these positions is unique, but that is
more
explained by the national and international dynamics unique to Cuban
history
and contemporary reality, rather than to a lack of democratic
processes.
Except for those elected to serve as officers of the assemblies,
the
delegates and deputies work on a voluntary basis, without pay, above
and
beyond their regular employment. Although the assemblies per se meet
only a
couple of times per year, the work is ongoing in the form of
committees and
meeting with constituents. Since these responsibilities,
particularly at
the lower levels, include meeting with the people, the delegates tend
to
spend many hours per week meeting with groups and individuals and
trying to
respond to their needs. Many delegates do not seek re-election
because the
work is so time consuming. Fidel has said of the delegates, "They are
practically the slaves of the people."
The role of the Communist Party in the political process is very
different from what is generally thought in the United States. The
Cuban
Communist Party is not an electoral party. It does not nominate or
support
candidates for office. Nor does it make laws or select the head of
state.
These latter two roles are played by the assemblies, which are
elected by
the people, and for which membership in the Communist Party is not
required.
Most members of the national, provincial, and municipal assemblies are
members of the Communist Party, but many are not, and those delegates
and
deputies who are party members are not selected by the party but by
the
people in the electoral process.
The Cuban Communist Party is not open to anyone to join. About
fifteen
percent of adults are party members. Members are selected by the
party in a
thorough process that includes interviews with co-workers and
neighbors.
Those selected are considered model citizens. They are selected
because
they are viewed as strong supporters of the revolution; as hard and
productive workers; as people who are well-liked and respected by
their
co-workers and neighbors; as people who have taken leadership roles
in the
various mass organizations of women, students, workers, and farmers;
as
people who take seriously their responsibilities as spouses and
parents and
family members; and as people who have "moral" lives, such as avoiding
excessive use of alcohol or extramarital relations that are considered
scandalous. As with those who are elected to the various assemblies,
membership in the Communist Party is very time consuming, and party
members
carry out their responsibilities on a voluntary basis, without any
pay or
compensation. When asked if party members receive any special
privileges,
party members often will respond, "Yes, the privilege of working
extra hours
serving the people." Most Cuban communist party members strike me as
a
cross between a Catholic monk/nun and a Boy Scout/Girl Scout leader:
serious, disciplined, highly committed to the cause, and active in
helping
out in the community in a variety of small ways. But they do this in
a
style that is very Cuban; e.g., they are serious, but they enjoy life;
disciplined, but not up tight.
The most fundamental role of the Communist Party in Cuba is to
act as
the vanguard of the revolution. It makes recommendations concerning
the
future development of the revolution, and it criticizes tendencies it
considers counterrevolutionary. It has enormous influence in Cuba,
but its
authority is moral, not legal. The party does not make laws or elect
the
president. These tasks are carried out by the National Assembly,
which is
elected by the people.
In the United States, it is commonly said that the Cuban
Communist
Party is the only political party and that the voters are simply
presented
with a slate of candidates in national elections, rather than two or
more
candidates and/or political parties from which to choose. These two
observations are correct. But taken by themselves, they give a very
misleading impression. They imply that the Cuban Communist Party
develops
the slate, which in fact it does not do. Non-Cubans tend to reject
the
Cuban political system on the grounds that there are not competing
candidates at the provincial and national levels, without being aware
of
many important aspects of the system. The voters are presented the
candidates after a vigorous and careful process of selection carried
out by
candidacy commissions, which are composed of representatives of the
various
mass organizations, which themselves have democratic processes of
selection
and the participation of the overwhelming majority of the people.
Moreover,
the elected representatives of the municipal assemblies participate
in the
process, and a pre-candidate becomes an official candidate only
through
affirmation by the municipal assemblies. Through this process
delegates and
deputies emerge who are very well informed about local, national and
global
realities, who are committed to the nation, and who are very
representative
of Cuban society in terms of their social roots. An honest and open
observation of elected representatives in Cuba and the United States,
free
of ideological distortions and false assumptions, would reveal that
the
Cuban elected representatives are of much higher quality than their
counterparts in the United States.
In his book on the elections of 1997-98, August describes the
high
level of mass participation and support for the Cuban revolutionary
process.
During the 1997-98 elections, 36,343 nomination assemblies were held
nationwide, in which 86.5% of the people participated. August's
intimate
portraits of some of these assemblies show the care that is taken to
ensure
that there is full and open participation by the people. In the
subsequent
voting for delegates (from among competing candidates) to the
municipal
assemblies, 97.59% of the people voted. Later, in the voting for
provincial
and national assemblies, 98.3% of the people voted. This is the
election in
which the ballot provides an option of yes or no for each candidate,
and
94.45% voted for all the candidates.
Cubans tend to enthusiastically defend their political system.
They
point out that the elected members of the assemblies are not
professional
politicians who must rely on fund-raising to be elected, as occurs in
the
United States. Moreover, the Cuban system, they argue, avoids
excessive
conflict among political parties, at the expense of the common good.
Many
Cubans contrast their system with that in the United States, which
they view
as a process that is very divisive and manipulated by the wealthy.
In Cuba
today, many people complain of the economic hardships of the "Special
Period," but it is rare to encounter Cubans who say that they feel
that the
Cuban political process is undemocratic.
In the core democracies, sound bites have replaced meaningful
public
discourse, levels of political participation are low, and most people
do not
believe that elected officials are concerned with the interests of the
majority or the common good. The core democracies are experiencing a
crisis
of legitimation. Meanwhile, rooted in the context of its own historic
national liberation struggle, Cuba has sought to develop alternative
political structures as part of its effort to restructure the major
institutions in a way that promotes the interests and rights of
ordinary
people. Her powerful neighbor to the north cynically and arrogantly
rejects
this effort at alternative democracy without examining it. Such
cynicism
and arrogance can obscure but cannot change fundamental realities:
The fact
is that while the global powers are experiencing a legitimation
crisis, the
Cuban political system enjoys high levels of legitimacy among its
people.
As the world system is increasingly characterized by mass
poverty,
inequality, meaninglessness, violence and chaos, the Cuban
revolutionary
process stands as an important symbol of Third World dignity and human
dignity. As a living embodiment and affirmation of the revolutionary
ideals
of social justice and revolutionary democracy, revolutionary Cuba is
deserving of the active and engaged support of the progressive
sectors in
the core democracies.
Note: Charles McKelvey is the founder and director of the Center for
Development Studies, a non-profit corporation that conducts
educational
programs that allow non-Cubans to study about and travel to Cuba. He
also
is Professor of Sociology at Presbyterian College in Clinton, South
Carolina.
Content posted May 26, 2000
The commentary here is copyleft. Copying and redistribution whole or
in part is permitted.
Charles McKelvey [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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