From: John Clancy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2001 13:38:00 -0800

Le Monde front / Chaos damages Turkey's EU ambitions / Martine
J&eacute;go   Chaos damages Turkey's EU ambitions
Focus on prison turmoil reveals a nation racked by violence and self-
doubt.       - Martine J&eacute;go

 One year after being formally shortlisted for membership of the
European  Union, Turkey is in turmoil. Already weakened by chronic
political  instability, street violence and a series of failures in
the banking  sector - which have left a $40bn deficit - the country
has sunk further  into chaos since December 19, when security forces
using bulldozers,  helicopters and armoured vehicles stormed 20 jails
where prisoners were  on hunger strike.

  Launched to "save lives", the operation left 28 dead.
Although  crackdowns, prison riots and street protests are nothing
new in Turkey,  recent events have made its European ambitions look
less realistic, and  demonstrated that the nation is in an advanced
state of disintegration.

  Undermined by its contradictions and straitjacketed by its
founding  dogma, the republican state set up by Kemal Ataturk in 1923
looks as  though it will need to be dragged kicking and screaming
into Europe. The  Copenhagen criteria on human rights, democracy and
the rule of law, which  the EU makes a precondition of membership
negotiations, have prompted  reservations in Turkey, particularly
among the political community, which  seems incapable of getting the
country to accept changes.

  Tusiad, the employers' federation, recently urged the authorities
"not to  be afraid of reforms". Their inability to introduce the
changes necessary  for EU membership was evident in their decision to
introduce  controversial legislation to ease overcrowding in
prisons.  The brutality of the methods used by the security forces in
crushing the  prison unrest has been condemned on all sides. But the
behaviour of the  far-left groups behind the protests seem to be just
as blameworthy as  that of the police. Those groups, sometimes called
"political sects",  organise trials and executions within prisons, to
eliminate "traitors" to  the cause.

  Their leaders outside the jails issue orders that have to be obeyed
on  pain of summary execution. They decree that lots be drawn to
decide who  will become "death hunger-strikers". They believe in
martyrdom, and   forbid members to have one-to-one meetings with
their lawyers in jail.

  This stance explains their rejection of the government's plans for
prison  reform, which would replace dormitory-style wards containing
dozens of  inmates with cells for three or four inmates. Such cells
would be more in  line with international standards, but less
conducive to political mobilisation.

  Although still only marginal, such organisations are trying to
occupy the  ground left vacant by the Kurdistan Workers' party, which
has been  moribund since its leader, Abdullah Ocalan, was captured in
February 1999.  The main organisation, the Revolutionary People's
Liberation Army Front,  which has spearheaded the hunger-strike
campaign in prisons, was  responsible for the murder in January 1996
of the industrialist Ozdemir  Sabanci, who was a fervent believer in
the democratisation of Turkish  society.

  During the current crisis the coalition government did for once
pursue a  policy of consultation, and promised to postpone its prison
reforms. Yet  it took advantage of the fact that everyone's attention
was focused on  the storming of the jails to push through a much-
criticised bill to  reduce prison sentences, which President Ahmed
Necdet Sezer, a legalist  and firm European, had earlier
vetoed.  Although the legislation will enable 35,000 prisoners to be
released  gradually (a welcome development in the context of the
overcrowding that  has caused many security problems), it constitutes
a serious step  backwards in terms of EU membership.

  Many people had hoped that the legislation, which the government
had  presented as an amnesty, would result in the release of
political  prisoners. Such a move would have been interpreted as a
sign of opening  up towards Europe, signalled the end of the
crackdown against  intellectuals and raised hopes of reconciliation,
particularly in  Kurdistan, where armed violence has ceased.  The
trouble is that the bill which was finally adopted is not an
amnesty,  merely an act of clemency, combined with a reprieve. It
fails to include  most political prisoners.

   Those sentenced for or charged with a "breach of the security
and  integrity of the state"(Article 312 of the Turkish penal code)
are  excluded from it. Those are precisely the charges used to
jail  journalists and intellectuals who dare to break the taboo of
"integrity"  by discussing, among other things, the issue of the
Kurds.  It was no accident that Article 312 was excluded: the notion
of "the  integrity of the state" is one of the inviolable principles
of Kemalist  dogma, over which the army keeps a watchful eye.

  The EU has already called into question the army's influence,
which  extends into every cranny of political life, notably through
the Security  Council, whose rulings are observed to the letter. If
Turkey were to join   Europe by 2010, how would it be able, in the
current context, to carry  out the necessary transfer of
sovereignty?  While many people on death row have had their sentences
commuted to life  imprisonment, in accordance with the requirements
imposed on countries  applying to join the EU, the death sentence
passed on Ocalan, whose case  is being examined by the European Court
of Human Rights, has not been  quashed.  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, co-
chairman of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary  Committee, says: "The
Turks seem unable to come round to the fact that  they must turn the
page.

 They have won the war and they show no pity. >>Their parliament has
not yet understood the age it lives in." December 26 (The Guardian
Weekly 4-1-2001, page 25) " JC

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