>From Russia with love, struggle and solidarity By John Bachtell MOSCOW, Russia - The light of morning had not yet found its way through the long, damp winter night. The delegates were gathering Dec. 2-3, 2000 for the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). They were greeted warmly by a crowd gathered outside the House of Trade Unions. This site is intimately intertwined with the history of the Soviet Union. The Nobleman 's Club during Czarist times, it was turned over to the trade unions after the October Revolution. Funeral processions for both Lenin and Stalin began here. The Congress included 401 delegates (the number 401 being symbolically awarded to Lenin) attended the Congress; 25 percent workers from 20 nationalities. Unfortunately, the small number of women was not even noted. In addition another 1,500 guests, 117 foreign delegates representing 82 parties from 39 countries (including former Soviet republics), crowded the hall. Capitalist crisis, Putin government The Russian working class is struggling through a disastrous many-sided crisis imposed by capitalism. About 70 percent of the population lives at or below the poverty line. Unemployment is high. Many workers go unpaid, pensions have been cut, people face starvation in some areas. There is a devastating health crisis due to destruction of the socialist health- care system. A radical decline in life expectancy has taken place. TB, AIDS, alcoholism and drug abuse are epidemic. In addition, there are crises in education, affordable housing and inter-city transit (one delegate insisted he rode his bike from a distant region). Fuel and heat are unaffordable for many. Another crisis is brewing. The big International Monetary Fund loans that rescued Russia from collapse in 1998 are coming due and paying them off will require drastic social cuts. In his opening report, CPRF leader Gennady Zuganov said the IMF policies being advanced by the government of Vladimir Putin are worse than Yeltsin's. Putin has launched a frontal assault on the labor movement by trying to impose a new labor code dictated by the IMF. It would replace the old Soviet labor code adopted in 1967 and destroy the trade union movement by ending collective bargaining, lengthening the work week to 56 hours, permitting child labor and allow the firing of labor militants. The Putin government is attempting to privatize the collective farms, forest lands and the remaining energy complex. They are also trying to eliminate nearly 40 state social protections and subsidies. Eighty percent of the state enterprises have now been privatized, looted by foreign capital and former government officials. Zuganov noted the CPRF had a "guarded position toward Putin" when he was elected, supporting his positive steps and criticizing his reactionary policies. But now it is clear the regime is plowing ahead with capitalist reforms. Putin is a master demagogue and there are widespread illusions about him. His government has benefited from a spike in the world oil prices and the increased revenues. On the other hand, Putin doesn't share the rabid anti-communism of his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin. He confronts a tremendous growth in sentiment for a return to socialism and the reality of a mass Communist Party with parliamentary clout. Putin sent greetings to the Congress and afterward met with Zuganov. The day after the Congress, he announced that the Soviet national anthem was being restored, the Soviet flag would fly over the Red Army again and then left for Cuba. Yet merely flying the Red flag will not eleviate the desparate crisis faced by millions. A famous Russian actor and CPRF Duma deputy, Nikolay Guenko, said, "It would be a sacrilege if the police, under the red flag, would be breaking up a rally of hungry miners. There should not be a red flag of solidarity over the city administration building if the city inhabitants perish of frost. Therefore this tricolor and eagle are adequate for the actual situation in Russia. The history doesn' t come to the end." In a statement the Party added, "We have no right to allow the hypocritical attitude toward national sacred objects, their transmutation in the fig-leaf covering the shame of [capitalist] old policy, which has brought so much disasters and suffering to the people." The CPRF makes progress The CPRF has had to fight its way over tremendous hurdles to get back on its feet. No effort was spared to destroy it including dissolution, banning and confiscation of all its property. The CPRF competes at a disadvantage against the private media monopolies and their constant anti-communist slander. It faces a workplace ban and anti-communist terror in some regions. This helps explain why the trade union movement is now dominated by pro-capitalist forces. Still the political atmosphere has changed and the Congress atmosphere was likewise upbeat. The Party organization, finances and activity have stabilized substantially. The CPRF has over 400,000 members, up by nearly 50,000 over the last two years. Party membership is growing in the military. However, in Moscow where the Party had one million members, only 26,000 have rejoined. The counterrevolutionary forces are strongest here and they command tremendous resources in the battle. The Party has been reestablished in every district and consists of some 17,000 clubs. The big challenge is to fully involve the clubs in struggle. The communist newspapers are circulated in the millions. The Congress called for radically expanding the mass communications work. The CPRF has the largest faction in the federal Duma (parliament) with 110 deputies. In 1997 they drew 35 million votes in the presidential election. While their absolute vote increased in the March 2000 presidential elections, their relative share of the vote (along with the Communst Workers Party) decreased slightly to 30 percent along with their share of deputies. The Party lost its majority in the Duma. This loss was a big concern at the Congress. But it can't be seen apart from the millions of dollars Putin received from foreign capital and the widespread voter fraud that took place. The next largest bloc in the Duma is Putin's governing Unity party, made up mainly of government officials and academics. Ten percent of the Duma is represented by right-wing property owners backed by foreign capital. One percent support former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and the Social Democrats. The pro-capitalist parties have been losing strength since the presidential elections. A large mass of voters are now the center of fierce competition. The CPRF also has a majority in governing coalitions in 40 of the 89 regional and territorial Dumas. They are strongest in the so-called "Red Belt" industrial region. Members have also been elected to local offices. The CPRF won the Krasnodar region, the largest, with 82 percent of the vote. The Congress marked a step forward, and perhaps a turning point, in uniting the Party around a focus on the working class and trade union movement. A labor commission was created to help carry out trade union policy. This said, there is a long way to go. For example, only three workers spoke at the Congress. There are still sharp differences on some key issues and in the end it will be up to the workers in the CPRF to ensure a full turn to the working class. The working-class influence was strongest among the delegates from the Red Belt regions, where the Party is most militant and grassroots oriented. It has either a governing majority or participates in governing coalitions. In many cases they have succeeded in substantially raising the level of production of the remaining state enterprises and passing laws to defend social protections that couldn't be won in the federal Duma. Rebuilding among the working class The main discussion at the Congress was based on a political document drafted by the Central Committee called "The Immediate Tasks of the CPRF." This document reflects a new level of political thinking sees the class war being waged in Russia and projects socialism as the only solution to the crisis. The CPRF was self-critical of its weaknesses in relation to the working class. It laid plans to step up work in the trade unions and for working cooperatively with the existing trade unions where possible, but setting up independent trade unions where necessary. Members were encouraged to run for union office. In the face of the pro-capitalist union leadership, the Party is leading a movement to revive the work collectives, and turn them into grassroots fighting organizations. A Council of Work Collectives has been formed. In coalition with the Communist Workers Party (CWP), the CPRF has led the fight to defeat Putin's IMF labor codes. This was the main theme at demonstrations held on Nov. 7, the anniversary of the October Revolution. The trade union movement joining the fight. The General Council of the Federation of Russian Trade Unions warned, "Virtually all trade union rights are eliminated in this bill." The Congress adopted a program. That includes fighting for a strengthened labor code and a multi-pronged strategy to meet the crisis facing the working class: . First, to restore political rule of the people by forming a coalition government of workers, collective farmers, professionals and small businesses. The Party initiated a united front called the People's Patriotic Union. . Second, to build this coalition through action against the immediate economic crisis, for reversing privatization and for renationalizing the strategic productive sectors and banks. At the CPRF's initiative, the Duma passed a new law restricting privatization of state property worth over $150 million. For example, this will block selling off the state owned railroads. . Third, to fully restore socialism and a planned economy in which private property would exist, but under the domination of public sector. The discussion from the floor was sharply critical at times, including of Zuganov. The delegate from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) said it was the most critical discussion he had heard in the Party, dating back to Soviet times. The biggest criticism was that the Party was not opposing the Putin government vigorously and not mobilizing the people. There was a call for "as much emphasis on mass struggle especially in the trade unions as in electing deputies." Unfortunately, there were some whiffs of Russian nationalism and anti-Semitism in the Congress. A few speakers singled out Jewish "oligarchs" (domestic elite capitalists) by name, including Zuganov. But several delegates responded by calling for expelling anti-Semites and for greater sensitivity toward the various nationalities. There were also criticisms that there was "not enough discussion of why socialism failed," and more was needed to develop a new vision of socialism. Some felt this was a reason why the Party hadn't gained more votes. Discussions were called for on the mistakes that led to the setbacks. The Duma A major concern of the Congress is how the Party carries out its work in the federal Duma. The CPRF Central Committee is essentially the Party Duma faction. CPRF regional and national secretaries double as Duma deputies. Many felt this drew attention away from the Party organization. There is a concern that CPRF deputies are vulnerable to corruption from some of the office perks. For example, each Duma deputy has a limo. Members employed by the Duma as staff of CPRF deputies are drawn into Party work. Some felt this contributed to the hesitancy to be more confrontational with Putin. Meeting of international delegates Following the Congress, an informational meeting was held for the international delegates. Many delegates delivered greetings, including the Communist Party USA. In response to corporate globalization, the international communist movement is being radically transformed. There was universal agreement on the need for greater united action by the communist and workers parties. The delegates headed home with a warm feeling of optimism. One thing is for sure. With U.S. imperialism increasingly calling the shots in Russia and new dangers posed by Bush's insistance on building "Star Wars," greater solidarity is needed between the Communist parties, the labor movements and people of our two countries. John Bachtell is the chairman of the New York State Communist Party and represented the CPUSA at the CPRF Congress. He can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
