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From: Bob Olsen <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun, 29 Apr 2001 21:47:42 -0400
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Sign-On to FTAA letter




 
 Sign-On to Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch FTAA letter


 Trade rules constrain governments from protecting social
 rights or natural resources or from providing basic needs.
 They disadvantage women, minorities and indigenous peoples.

 Countries must compensate "victorious" FTAA corporations
 if they wish to protect the public interest.

 Send your reply to: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>


From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Sat, 28 Apr 2001 23:56:08 EDT

From:� � [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Juliette Beck)

This April, trade ministers and heads of state from 34 countries in the
Americas and the Caribbean met in Buenos Aires, Argentina and Quebec City,
Canada to move forward with negotiations on a new corporate globalization
agreement: the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA).� The FTAA draft texts
are secret, but information that has leaked out reveals that many of the
FTAA's chapters are literally extensions of NAFTA rules.� The goal of the
FTAA is to impose the NAFTA model of corporate investment and patent
protections, trade liberalization, deregulation, and privatization on every
country in the western hemisphere (except Cuba).� � In real terms, the FTAA
would significantly increase the power corporations have to keep governments
from setting standards to safeguard workers and the environment, keep food
and water safe and available to all communities, stop privatization and
deregulation of essential public services like education and health care,
and promote democratic and accountable decision-making.

No matter where we live, the FTAA will attack our families, our schools,
our jobs, our farms and our rights!� Many people have asked, "Now that the
People's Summit and protests in Quebec City are over, what's next in the
international struggle against the FTAA?"�� A number of different
organizations -- both international (such as the Hemispheric Social
Alliance) and national ones throughout the Americas and the Caribbean --
have put out excellent statements and policy papers suggesting next steps.
Some representatives of international and national networks have drafted a
complementary campaign-oriented sign-on statement on the FTAA -- the Ten
Point Plan for the Americas -- which brings together many of the critiques
raised by NGOs, unions and citizens around the hemisphere and underscores
the main issues around which we are all already campaigning. This statement
already has collected the support of 104 organizations and unions from 15
countries.� Hopefully, it can gather hundreds (if not thousands) more, and
can be released in various capitals and major cities throughout the
hemisphere in connection with continuing FTAA campaigns!

Please join civil society groups throughout the hemisphere in rejecting the
proposed agreement by signing your organization on to the international
statement below.� Here's how:

1) This is an organizational sign-on letter only. We will not be adding
individuals to it. 

2) To add your organization, send an email with "FTAA sign-on" in the
subject line to [EMAIL PROTECTED]� In the body of the e-mail list the
organization and country (contact information such as address, phone & fax
is also appreciated) that you are signing on. Those who wish should also
mention how many people the organization represents.

3) You can also sign the letter or see the Spanish, French or Portuguese
versions by going to www.tradewatch.org and clicking on the FTAA/ALCA link
on the globe. 

===================================================================

A Ten-Point Plan to Fight for� the Americas:
No to FTAA, No NAFTA for the Americas!

Over the last decade, transnational corporations have used international
commercial agreements to improve their profit margins at the expense of the
public interest.� The 1994 implementation of the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) and the 1995 establishment of the World Trade Organization
(WTO) as part of the GATT Uruguay Round were both promoted as a means of
creating global prosperity -- a rising tide which would lift all boats by
opening markets and encouraging the freer flow of goods and capital across
borders.� However, the record has shown that this corporate-managed trade
model actually has encouraged a race to the bottom in labor, environmental
and public health and safety standards; increased pressure on the
environment and natural resources; loss of living-wage and unionized jobs;
attacks on food security; increased levels of poverty and economic
inequality; wildfire spread of financial crises such as the Mexican peso
crisis; privatization of services that denies many people access to
essential social services such as health care, education and water access;
and diminished democratic and accountable decision-making.

Now 34 heads of state and trade ministers, from every nation of the Western
Hemisphere except Cuba, are discussing an expansion of this failed model of
increased privatization and deregulation to the entire hemisphere via a Free
Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA).� The proposed FTAA would combine the most
problematic aspects of NAFTA, the WTO and the failed Multilateral Agreement
on Investment (MAI), effectively handcuffing governments' public interest
policymaking capacity and enhancing corporate control at the expense of
citizens throughout the Americas and the Caribbean, by:

* providing new "investor protections" which empower corporations to sue
governments in closed-door tribunals over domestic policies which may
undermine their future expected profits, resulting in multi-million dollar
cash compensations to be paid by taxpayers;

* limiting governments' abilities to regulate direct foreign investment, as
well as speculative capital flows, in order to protect their economies from
excessive volatility;

* setting up dispute resolution processes which refer disagreements to
secret international trade tribunals above and outside of national
judiciaries which allow foreign governments and corporations to bypass a
nation's courts and legal system;

* providing corporations with new rights and tools to attack government
standards for food security, public health and safety, and worker safeguards
and to attack laws that ensure that corporations do not pollute the
communities in which they operate; and

* expanding "trade" disciplines to cover the service sector, which could
increase pressure on governments to privatize and/or deregulate essential
public services that are already under fire.

FTAA negotiations have been conducted under the strictest terms of secrecy.
Business groups acting as official advisors to the FTAA negotiators have
seen the draft text and related documents, as have some government-selected
labor and environmental groups in the United States.� However, the public
and journalists have not been allowed access to the text.� Indeed, only one
government of 34 has even made public its own recommended language for
inclusion in the final agreement.� Even parliamentarians have been denied
access to crucial information or have been left unaware that negotiations
were ongoing at all.� Despite the lack of transparency and democratic
process in the negotiations, the governments involved are moving towards
completion of the FTAA no later than 2005.� They also are considering some
"early harvest" agreements, which means that certain chapters would go into
effect much sooner -- wreaking havoc throughout the hemisphere as
parliaments are forced to change public interest laws and regulations to
comply with corporate-led priorities.� While civil society has attempted to
voice its opinions and concerns to negotiators from various governments,
there is no evidence to date that these concerns have been heard, much less
considered, in the actual FTAA negotiations.

The undersigned groups will closely monitor their governments' participation
in these negotiations to ascertain that FTAA negotiations modeled on a
combination of NAFTA, MAI and WTO do not continue.� Some specific indicators
of the unacceptable corporate-managed trade system for which we will be
watching are: 

1. No New Corporate Power Tools: Any NAFTA-style Chapter 11 Investment
language allowing corporate suits against governments is unacceptable. This
extreme mechanism in NAFTA allows corporations to sue governments in
undemocratic, closed trade tribunals for cash damages for domestic
regulations that the corporations claim undermine their future expected
profits. Already under NAFTA, this mechanism has been used to attack
important domestic environmental, health and safety policies, effectively
limiting the ability of governments to maintain national standards.� In
fact, every time corporations have invoked this NAFTA tool, the rulings and
settlements have always been against the public interest and for
corporations. In this perverse process, countries must compensate the
"victorious" corporation with taxpayer dollars and must continue to pay the
company continued ransom if it keeps a public interest law in place.

2. Hands Off Basic Social Rights and Needs of the Americas: It is
inappropriate and unacceptable for social rights and basic needs to be
constrained by trade rules, such as those proposed under current FTAA talks.
Promoting, respecting and realizing fundamental worker rights and other
human rights by all relevant means is important, including action at the
appropriate international institutions. Issues critical to human or
planetary welfare, such as food and water, basic social services, and health
and safety, must not be undercut by commercial agreements. Inappropriate
encroachment by trade rules in such areas has already resulted in major
public campaigns centered on genetically modified organisms, old growth
forests, and predatory tobacco marketing.

3. Services Needed for Survival: Services needed for survival, such as
health, education, water, energy and other basic social services, must not
be subject to trade rules. Domestic consumer health and safety,
environmental and labor laws regulating any aspect of the service sector
that treat domestic and foreign providers the same clearly must remain
outside the purview of trade disciplines. In the Americas and the Caribbean,
structural adjustment programs privatizing and deregulating essential public
services -- which were required by the International Monetary Fund and World
Bank -- have already led to a severe lack of access to health care, schools
and clean water for peoples throughout the region. Current FTAA proposals
would lock in this failure forever, making it impossible for any government
to reverse any bad decisions on privatization of services.

4. Stop Corporate Patent Protectionism - Seeds & Medicine are Human Needs,
not Commodities: All intellectual property policies must allow governments
to limit patent protection in order to protect public health and safety,
especially patents on life-saving medicines and life forms. The patenting of
life forms including microorganisms mst be prohibited in all national and
international regimes. Current intellectual property rules in trade pacts,
such as the WTO TRIPs agreement and NAFTA's Chapter 17 Intellectual Property
rules, effectively prevent consumer access to essential medicines and other
goods, lead to private appropriation of life forms and traditional
knowledge, undermine biodiversity, and keep poorer countries from increasing
their levels of social and economic welfare. There is no basis for inclusion
of such intellectual property claims in a trade agreement.

5. Food Is a Basic Human Right, Not a Commodity: Trade rules must not
restrict countries' rights or abilities to establish or maintain policies
safeguarding small farmers, rural economies and food security.

6. Control over Natural Resources: Citizens and governments -- not
transnational corporations -- must have the right to make decisions about
the use and protection of natural resources.� Policies governing natural
resources should strike a careful balance between the social benefits of
preservation, job creation and economic expansion. Thus, international
commercial terms such as those found in NAFTA, which allow corporate
interests to challenge countries' control or regulation of land, mineral oil
and gas deposits, forests, rivers and other natural resources, are
unacceptable. 

7. Do No Further Harm: NAFTA and the WTO both contain provisions that
undermine domestic environmental, health, safety, agriculture and labor
laws. There is no place for such anti-public interest provisions in future
international commercial agreements. Moreover, actions taken to implement
multilateral agreements dealing with workers rights, the environment,
health, development, human rights, safety, indigenous peoples' rights, food
security, women's rights, and animal welfare must not be challenged or
undermined by international commercial rules.

8. Disadvantaging Women, Minorities and Indigenous Peoples: There is no
place in just international agreements for provisions that disallow a
country from providing special and differential treatment to women,
minorities, and indigenous people.� Such an attack on countries' sovereign
rights to determine domestic social priorities, for instance by offering
preferential credit terms to disadvantaged segments of their populations, is

offensive.� Additionally, such policies are in direct conflict with
international human rights agreements and the International Labor
Organization's Conventions.

9. Promoting Development vs. Corporate Control: International commercial
agreements must not discipline what governments can do to ensure that their
citizens capture the benefits of foreign investment. The FTAA must not
prevent governments from employing a variety of policy tools to promote
equitable and sustainable development, such as restricting foreign capital
in certain sectors, the reinvestment of profits, or limiting the purchase of
farm land or other real estate.

10. Speedbumps Against Speculation: In order to prevent international
financial crises from spreading, countries must maintain the power to take
measures against speculative portfolio investment. The investment rules of
NAFTA, which are the model for the FTAA, are exactly the wrong model, as
they forbid governments to establish such basic protective measures.

The undersigned organizations are committed to fight against the corporate
model of globalization expressed in the FTAA, and will instead advocate for
new visions for the Americas and Caribbean based on principles of democratic
and transparent decision-making, equitable and sustainable development, and
protection of the public interest above corporate profit.

Alesha Daughtrey 
Senior Organizer/FTAA coordinator
Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch
+202-454-5103 (tel)/+202-547-7392 (fax)
215 Pennsylvania Avenue SE
Washington, DC� 20003�� USA
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
http://www.tradewatch.org

Send your reply to: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>



   ..........................................
   Bob Olsen, Toronto   [EMAIL PROTECTED]

   "If voting worked, they'd make it illegal"

    Graffiti in Toronto's Kensington Market
   ..........................................

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