From: "Francisco Javier Bernal" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

Subject:            WORKERS' DAILY INTERNET EDITION Year 2001 No. 94, June 1

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3) Britain and US Back Down over Iraq Sanctions

Britain and the US have decided to postpone their attempts to push
through their resolution on "smart sanctions", it was reported on
Thursday. 

Instead, the 15-member UN Security Council will be asked to extend
the
current system of the "oil-for-food" programme before it expires at
midnight on Sunday. The length of the extension is still reported to
be under dispute. Britain and the US want one month, Russia has
advocated six months and France is suggesting a compromise of three
months.

France, China and Russia had argued that the deadline could not be
met
because of the necessity of examining a lengthy British-US list of
"dual use" goods that allegedly have both civilian and military
applications. 

Correspondents say that the delay is a major setback for US Secretary
of State Colin Powell, who made revising the sanctions a high
priority
when he took office in January.

End Item





4) Talking Points on Smart Sanctions

Document from the Iraq Network, available at
http://www.endthewar.org/sm artsanctions.htm

A brief explanation of the British proposal is available at
http://www.e ndthewar.org/summary.htm

1. SMART SANCTIONS ARE STILL SANCTIONS

Iraq is suffering from the effects of one the largest, most
destructive bombing campaigns in history, one that deliberately and
successfully targeted key infrastructure, like water treatment and
electrical power, as well as fertiliser, seed stock, and key
industries. That is compounded by the effects of almost 11 years of
enforced neglect because of the sanctions. The proposed changes are
nowhere near what is needed. As The Economist, the conservative
British weekly, said, "The British proposal of 'smart sanctions'
offers an aspirin where surgery is called for" (The Economist, 24th
February 2001).

A. There are still too many banned items in the new proposal. While
the Secretary General has clearly called for the allowed list of
items
to include everything not on the so-called "1051 list" of possible
dual-use items which might require end-use monitoring or outright
bans
(Secretary-General's report, 14 May 2001, para 125
http://www.un.org/Dep ts/oip/reports/S2001_505.pdf), the new proposal
has a new 30-page list of banned items, which Security Council
members
were only recently allowed to see
(http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20010523/wl/un_iraq_13.h tml)

B. The British proposal would allow more commodities into Iraq, but
will not address the fundamental problem of low purchasing power of
the vast majority of Iraqis. Presently, and also under the "new"
sanctions, Iraqi people who are employed are paid low wages, with a
greatly devalued currency. In 1989, 0.31 Dinar=$1. In 2001, 1780
dinars=$1 (http://www.ti mesofindia.com/300301/30mide4.htm) In the
centre and south of Iraq, no money is allowed to Iraq from the
Oil-for-Food programme. This does not appear to change with the "new"
sanctions, even though the Secretary General has repeatedly stressed
the need for a "cash component" in the Oil for Food programme (S-G
report, 14 May 2001, para 127 http://www.un.
org/Depts/oip/reports/S2001_505.pdf)

C. More commodities will not address the need to rebuild the country:

1)" ... the humanitarian situation in Iraq will continue to be a dire
one in the absence of a sustained revival of the Iraqi economy which
in turn cannot be achieved solely through remedial humanitarian
efforts" (UN Humanitarian Panel Report, March 1999
http://www.un.org/Depts/oip/pa nelrep.html).

2) Oil-for-food "does not contain the elements of comprehensive
planning and economic revival that we believe to be essential in
order
to reverse the dangerously degraded state of the country's civilian
infrastructure and social services" (Human Rights Watch, January 2000
http://www.hrw.or g/press/2000/01/iraq-ltr.htm).

3) "An emergency commodity assistance programme like oil-for-food, no
matter how well funded or well run, cannot reverse the devastating
consequences of war and then ten years of virtual shut-down of Iraq's
economy." (Human Rights Watch, August 2000
http://www.hrw.org/press/2000 /08/iraq0804.htm).

4) Oil-for-food was "never intended ... to be a substitute for normal
economic activity" (UN Secretary-General's Report, March 2001), the
absence of which "has given rise to the spread of deep-seated
poverty"
(Secretary-General's Report, 29 November 2000
http://www.un.org/Depts/oi p/reports/phase8_180.html).

D. Smart sanctions do not lift the almost complete ban on foreign
investment, necessary because Iraq's infrastructural and
reconstruction needs are so severe:

1) Concerns about Iraq's civilian infrastructure, expressed since
1991, were dramatically underscored last August when Iraq's Mussaiyab
power station failed completely, bringing the national power grid
close to "a catastrophic system failure" (S-G report of 29 November
2000, para 99 http://www.un.org/Depts/oip/reports/phase8_180.html)

2) "The deterioration in Iraq's civilian infrastructure is so far
reaching that it can only be reversed with extensive investment and
development efforts.' (Human Rights Watch, and others, August 2000
http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/sanction/iraq1/ngo.htm).

3) "Regardless of the improvements that might be brought about - in
terms of approval procedures, better performance by the Iraqi
Government, or funding levels - the magnitude of the humanitarian
needs is such that they cannot be met within the context of [the
oil-for-food programme] ... Nor was the programme intended to meet
all
the needs of the Iraqi people ... Given the present state of the
infrastructure, the revenue required for its rehabilitation is far
above the level available under the programme.'(UN Humanitarian
Panel,
March 1999 http://www.cam.a
c.uk/societies/casi/info/undocs/sanct31.pdf).

E. Oil for Food imposes on Iraq an externally-controlled centrally-
planned economy. Attempts at planning are handicapped by constant
holds on computers and telecommunications equipment necessary for co-
ordination (S-G report of 14 May 2001, para 105
http://www.un.org/Depts/ oip/reports/S2001_505.pdf). The difficulties
of this central planning for the Iraqi government are insurmountable:

"With the increased funding level and the growing magnitude and scope
of the programme, the whole tedious and time-consuming process of the
preparation and approval of the distribution plan and its annexes are
no longer in step with current realities." (S-G report, 14 May 2001,
para 129 http://www.un.org/Depts/oip/reports/S2001_505.pdf)

The result is that the Iraqi government bureaucracy is completely
unable to keep up with needed procurements.

F. Under these "new" sanctions, Iraq will still not have control over
its own major source of income -- oil. The UK proposal requires that
money Iraq earns from oil sales continue to be deposited into an
escrow account controlled by the UN Security Council. Thus the US and
the UK would retain the power to make decisions about when, where and
most importantly, whether resources could be purchased to restore the
health of Iraq's people and economy. At the present time, the US and
UK have $3.71 billion in goods on "hold," preventing them from
reaching the Iraqi people (S-G report, 14 May 2001, para 18
http://www.un.org/Depts/o ip/reports/S2001_505.pdf)

Iraq cannot use funds placed in the escrow account to contract for
goods and services locally, but only for contracting with foreign
companies. The result is often that it pays far more than necessary
and that local enterprise is discouraged.


2. SMART SANCTIONS ARE AN EFFORT TO RESCUE THE SANCTIONS, WHICH HAVE
LOST NEARLY ALL SUPPORT

Most of the world is no longer ready to tolerate the sanctions. The
resumption of plane flights into Iraq and the signing of trade
agreements between Iraq and its traditional trading partners are
signals that if the policy continues countries will start to openly
violate it. Furthermore, thanks largely to the efforts of
anti-sanctions activists, the world has realised that the sanctions
regime and specifically the United States are to blame for most if
not
all of the suffering in Iraq. In a press briefing on March 8, Colin
Powell put it this way "Saddam Hussein and the Iraqi regime had
successfully put the burden on us as denying the wherewithal for
civilians and children in Iraq to live and to get the nutrition and
the health care they needed."

Smart sanctions are an attempt by the US and British governments to
spin things so that they are no longer blamed for the suffering that
will certainly continue in Iraq under their plan as a British
diplomat
recently told reporters, "If our proposals are adopted by the
Security
Council, Iraq will have no excuse for the suffering of the Iraqi
people"

(http://washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/world/articles/A37147-
2001May16.html
). 

In both quotes there is an indication that the motivation for "smart
sanctions" is less to alleviate the suffering in Iraq than to try to
remove the blame from the shoulders of the US and Britain As another
anonymous British official said of smart sanctions, "It may be that
all there will be is a change of presentation to re-focus domestic
and
international opinion on Saddam" (quoted in the Daily Telegraph, 21
February 2001).

3. THE UK PROPOSAL INCREASES THE AMOUNT OF MONEY TAKEN FOR THE UN
COMPENSATION COMMISSION

Currently, 25% of the proceeds from Iraq's oil sales are diverted to
the UN Compensation Commission, which processes claims for damages by
victims of Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. One previous victim was
the
Kuwait Petroleum Corporation, which was awarded $15.9 billion in
October 2000
(http://www.mre.gov.br/acs/interclip/jornais/setembro/wpost28d.html
).
Several US multinational corporations also have claims before the
Commission. 

Before the KPC award, 30% of oil proceeds went to the UNCC, but the
award aroused so much opposition from some members on the Security
Council (oil-rich corporations taking food and medicine from starving
children) that they were able to get UN Security Council Resolution
1330 (http://www.un.org/Docs/scres/2000/res1330e.pdf) passed, cutting
the amount to 25%.

The new British proposal would restore the UNCC's cut to 30%
(http://www
.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58172-2001May21.html),
ostensibly
to create a fund to "compensate Iraq's neighbours for future losses."
This would be taking away revenue desperately needed by Iraq for
reconstruction and basic needs.

What is needed is a dismantling of the escrow account and (at least)
an indefinite suspension of compensation payments.

End Item


(...)


11) International Fact-finding Team Accuses US of Wartime Atrocities
in Korea

An international fact-finding team, headed by former US Attorney
General Ramsey Clark, visited the DPRK between May 15 and 19 to
investigate the cases of massacre committed by US troops during the
1950-53 Korean War.

During its five-day visit, the international group to probe the truth
behind GI's atrocities inspected scenes of massacres committed by US
troops, heard testimonies of survivors and discussed matters with the
DPRK officials concerned. The Korea International War Crimes Tribunal
on US Troop Massacres of Civilians during the Korean War is to be
held
from June 23 to 25 in New York, when the evidence will be presented.

The investigation team visited Sinchon County in South Hwanghae
Province to conduct an inquiry in the Sinchon Massacre, and visited
the Sinchon War Museum, collecting documents and materials on the
massacre and hearing testimonies of victims. The US troops, after
occupying Sinchon County, killed 35,383 innocent people in the county
or a quarter of the total population of the county from October 17 to
December 17, 1950. In the DPRK, the Sinchon massacre is a symbol of
the US troops' wartime massacre.

Ramsey Clark noted that the US government, afraid of the disclosure
of
its wartime atrocities to the world, has tried to cover up the truth,
stressing that victims' testimonies were of great importance. They
exposed part of the US's history of aggression against Korea and
would
be widely used to let many people know about the sufferings imposed
by
the US on the Korean people.

The fact-finding team also held talks in Pyongyang with survivors of
the Korean War and collected their testimonies about US troops' mass
killings of civilians, indiscriminate bombing by the US Air Force and
its use of germ bombs.

The former US attorney general said that facts probed and testimonies
made by victims would be made public at the upcoming international
war
crimes tribunal to be held in New York.

In a press conference held on May 18 in Pyongyang, Ramsey Clark said
that he had "the urgent task to let people know about the misfortunes
and sufferings the Korean people have undergone since the US forces
occupied South Korea in 1945".

"We will strive to let people of the world have a correct
understanding of Korea and war crimes committed by the GIs," he
added.

The investigation team also said, in a press conference in Seoul
after
wrapping up its five-day visit to North Korea, that it witnessed the
severity of the US wartime crimes committed in North Korea during the
Korean War. The team said that the US crimes were much severer than
those committed in South Korea in the scale of damage and degree of
cruelty.

Referring to the facts that the US still stations its armed forces in
south Korea and maintains the condition of the division of Korea,
Ramsey Clark pointed out that the US still persistently makes vicious
propaganda against the DPRK to cover up the truth about its war
crimes.

Stressing that the biggest scar left by the Korean War was the
division of Korea, he said that the US's policy of maintaining the
division of Korea should be punished as "a crime against peace" in
the
New York war crimes tribunal.

Brian Becker, a joint chairman of the International Action Centre,
said he would make every effort for the withdrawal of the US troops
from South Korea and for a lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula.

In September 1999, Associated Press began publishing a series of
articles based on an investigation of the massacre that took place in
the south Korean village of Rogun-ri in July 1950.

Faced with the increasing demand at home and abroad for a thorough
inquiry into the truth about the incident, the US and South Korea
formed a joint investigation body to probe the Rogun-ri massacre.

But their 15-month-long joint investigation of the massacre produced
a
joint investigation report which evaded liabilities of the government
and the armed forces of the US for their active commitment in the
massacre. Lame duck President Clinton supported this US no-fault
conclusion, issuing a statement of "regret", which the survivors
denounced as a total whitewash.

The historic people's war crimes tribunal is scheduled to be convened
on June 23 in New York, co-sponsored by the Korea Truth Commission on
US Military Massacres of Civilians, the International Action Centre,
a
US national progressive organisation, and Veterans for Peace, a
veterans' group in the US.

The tribunal will judge cases of massacre committed by the US armed
forces from 1945 to 1953 and crimes committed by the USFK against
South Korean people after the truce of the Korean War.

Kitandra Shandra, former justice of the Indian Supreme Court, will
serve as presiding judge. Former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark,
former justice of the South Korean Constitutional Court Pyon Jong Su
and a north Korean lawyer will form a joint prosecution panel.

Ramsey Clark said that one of the main purposes of the New York war
crimes tribunal is to expose the US war of aggression against Korea
in
order to "raise international public opinion that the US should not
interfere in the matters of the Korean nation and prepare a
favourable
situation for Korea's reunification", as well as to thoroughly probe
the truth behind war crimes.

In the war crimes tribunal, victims in North and South Korea and in
foreign countries will give testimonies on war crimes committed by US
troops. A joint judging panel will be formed by lawyers from 16
nations which participated in the Korean War as members of the US-led
UN Forces.

The Korea Truth Commission, a pan-national coalition of civic groups,
was organised in June 2000, participated in by civic organisations of
North, South and overseas Koreans, after the political parties and
organisations of North Korea issued a joint appeal to their South
Korean counterparts and overseas Koreans to unfold a more active
nation-wide struggle to disclose and condemn the US wartime massacre
of Korean civilians.

While activities for investigation in the US wartime massacres of
civilians had been severely restricted in south Korea for a long
time,
the DPRK established a national fact-finding committee in July 1950,
the month following the breakout of the Korean War, to probe US war
crimes. Ever since the cease-fire of the war, the committee has
conducted a systematic investigation, widening its scope of activity
to crimes committed by the USFK in South Korea.

Jong Gi Ryol, secretary-general of the joint secretariat of the Korea
Truth Commission, announced that North and South Korean lawyers would
meet in Beijing on June 17 to draw up a joint indictment to be
presented to the forthcoming Korea international war crimes tribunal.
He also informed that Ramsey Clark, lawyer Michael Choe and other
lawyers plan to file a suit in a US court against the US government
for the war crimes committed by its armed forces during the Korean
War.

End Item





12) Interview with Ramsey Clark, Former US Attorney General:

US Atrocities Are Not Things of the Past

Q: What is the significance of the war crimes tribunal to be held in
the US? 

A: During the 20th century, the Korean people have been forced to
suffer severe agony by the US.

The Korean people were victims of atrocious crimes in the US-launched
Korean War from 1950 to 1953. In the three-year war, about six
million
Korean people were sacrificed, and four million of the total war dead
were civilians, not combatants. Immoral massacres and indiscriminate
napalm- or germ-bombing by the US troops took their lives.

But the world knows only distorted facts about this, because mass
media and major powers of the world have schemed to cover up the
truth
on a large scale for fear of the disclosure of facts about US troops'
atrocities. So, we have an important duty to make public the truth of
history.

Q: What is your point of view on judging the US forces' war crimes?

A: We should take a correct viewpoint in investigating the atrocities
committed by the US troops. The US's systematic massacres started in
September 2, 1945, the day when the US forces landed on Inchon Port.
The US put protesters and communists in prison, tortured and, what is
worse, killed them. Even after the conclusion of the armistice
agreement in 1953, the US stationed and continues to station its
troops in south Korea, inflicting the pain of national division on
the
Korean nation up to now by, dividing the Korean Peninsula in two.

It is another aspect of the US-committed barbarous acts that the US
has made military threats to and an economic blockade against the
DPRK. The US has persistently continued vicious propaganda, which
labels Pyongyang and the people of the DPRK as "devils" to justify
its
aggressive Korean policy.

Why has the US, which desperately crushed communism in the Cold War
era, still clung to vicious propaganda against the DPRK even after
the
end of the Cold War? This is because the US is afraid of the main
factor for the DPRK's victory over severe trials imposed by the
outside forces being made public.

Exaggerating a "threat" by the DPRK, the US is now trying to force
the
DPRK to reduce its military force to half. But 37,000 strong US
forces
are stationed in South Korea, and nuclear weapons are deployed in the
whole area of South Korea. Which is the real threat? The answer is
obvious.

During my visit to the DPRK, I could see the reality of the DPRK that
all the people were advancing their way through many hardships and
making a firm onward march toward a bright future.

We will show the people of the world what the DPRK really is as well
as reveal the truth about the war crimes committed by the US.

Q: How do you evaluate the US Korean policy?

A: I am one of the persons who experienced for a long time the
process
of enforcement of the US's foreign policy. Historically, the US
committed bloody massacres often under the mask of a "liberator". A
hard-and-fast principle in analysing the US's external policy is
never
to blindly accept what the US says and does, and never to have any
sweet visions of them.

With the Associated Press report in 1999 on the Rogun-ri massacre,
the
world came to know that US troops had committed a massacre of
civilians in Rogun-ri, South Korea, during the Korean War. The then
President Clinton said that he would do anything for the settlement
of
the Rogun- ri issue, but what changed? Nothing changed. Far from
changing favourably, the situation is getting more serious after the
Bush Administration was inaugurated. The DPRK-US relations came to a
standstill, in spite of the hope that the bilateral relations were
expected to improve.

Q: What is your opinion on the issue of the withdrawal of the USFK?

A: The US has stationed its troops in south Korea, attaching
strategic
significance to the Korean Peninsula, which is surrounded by China,
Russia and Japan. No country can enjoy freedom or peace if foreign
troops continue to stay in it.

In the US, the Korean War is called "a forgotten war". But I think
that Korean people can never forget the barbarous acts committed by
US
forces. Searching for truth and reconciliation are closely related
with each other. First, the US should begin with recognising the
atrocities it committed, and then it should put an end to barbarous
crimes that still continue. This is really the best way for the US to
contribute to the reunification of Korea.

We should raise international public opinion to put pressure to make
the US withdraw from Korea. That is why we wage a campaign to accuse
the US of its war crimes and to tell the truth about its wartime
massacres of civilians to the world.

End Item


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