[Via Communist Internet... http://www.egroups.com/group/Communist-Internet ] . . ----- Original Message ----- From: John Clancy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: <Africa: ;> Cc: <news: ;> Sent: Sunday, July 08, 2001 9:44 PM Subject: James:Lori Berenson: Peru Justice. Argentina's Menem from: [EMAIL PROTECTED] subject: James: Lori Berenson: Peru Justice. Argentina's Menem Delivered-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] X-Sender: [EMAIL PROTECTED] From: "James Tait" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Date: Sat, 23 Jun 2001 Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [che-list] Lori Berenson: "I Am Innocent Of All Charges" [Below is the final statement to the Peruvian court by Lori Berenson. Following her conviction and sentencing, she now faces 15 additional years in prison. Additional information on the case is at <http://www.freelori.org/> -- Moderator] "I am innocent of all charges" Final Statement of Lori Berenson June 20,2001 I am innocent of all charges against me. Neither of my trials, in the civilian or military court, has proven me guilty of any crime. The charges against me are still based upon the hearsay of a fellow detainee who is trying to be freed at my expense. Since the very day of my arrest I have been called a terrorist, a term that has been used and abused in Peruvian society for far too many years, mostly because of the psychological impact of a concept that brings to mind indiscriminant violence designed to terrorize; irrational destructive violence; deadly, senseless terror. I am not a terrorist; I condemn terrorism; I always have. I feel very sad for all direct and indirect victims of violence. The damage to a society goes beyond the physical and psychological impact of violence on its victims and their families. It leaves deep wounds, painful wounds, and it is very sad to watch a people endure it. Political violence harms a society because it is interconnected with the institutionalized violence criticized by important church authorities in the second half of the twentieth century. El Salvador's martyred Archbishop Oscar Romero gave his life in 1980 because of his criticism of what he called institutionalized violence, as did Bishop Juan Gerardi martyred in Guatemala. Hundreds, perhaps thousands of clergy and lay workers were assassinated for defending the poor and speaking the truth against social injustice and the institutionalized violence of hunger and poverty that is the horrendous daily peril of millions. When on March 20 I said my case has been used as a smoke screen, that it is a political trial, it is because of the particular elements regarding my case and also, in general, the cases of all those detained and tried in the context of political violence. There is a very simple reason: the existence of insurgent or rebel movements in Latin America - and many other places in the world - has a lot to do with social and economic conditions. The government responds through state policy, albeit solely militarily or with other components, to draw attention from these conditions. Thousands of Peruvians have suffered persecution, detention, torture, death as part of a state policy violating the human and fundamental rights of its population. After ex-President Fujimori's self-coup in 1992, constitutional law was violated by executive decrees made during a state of emergency. The congress and universities were closed, all forms of social organization and opposition were prohibited. The unconstitutional legislation included the antiterrorist laws that destroyed due process in civilian and military courts. But today in Peru and throughout the world it is common knowledge that the Peruvian state did more than violate human rights by closing democratic institutions and stomping on labor and social rights and leaving its people hungry. It is now common knowledge that behind the unconstitutional legislation and the manipulation of public opinion around certain issues like political violence was an extremely corrupt government that profited from the blood and sweat of its citizens, condemning them to live in hunger and misery. The dictatorship manipulated the judiciary to ensure the cover up of human rights violations and corruption. It wasn't an issue of particular judicial authorities, but the system itself and the legislation. In the cases of those tried for "terrorism" or treason, they were often condemned on the basis of hearsay and fabricated evidence. People were sentenced for refusing to admit guilt - regardless of whether or not they were guilty. They were condemned for not fingering others and for rejecting the psychological and social stigma of being called a "terrorist." Hearsay, supposed intentions, finger pointing or lack thereof, personal and political opinions - none of these constitute proof of any crimes. I am aware that much of the Peruvian public has a very negative image of me, which in part is because of the anger I expressed, how aggressive I came across, when I was illegally presented to the press in January 1996. And I am aware how that image and those statements were manipulated to create a monster larger than life, so that later I personified twenty years of insurgent and state violence. This was part of the propaganda designed to make people forget how government policy and corruption impoverished the Peruvian people. As I have stated in this trial, I regret having come across as such an angry or aggressive person, especially if it confused or offended the Peruvian people whom I really respect and love. The anger I showed was the result of my indignation upon seeing not only the violation of human rights and fundamental rights of the Peruvian people, but also the suffering I witnessed in DINCOTE and the farce of a trial I was undergoing. The mistreatment and outright torture of my fellow detainees form only a short chapter of the history of torture in DINCOTE or army bases that was a state policy. Even so, I think it was wrong of me to have expressed myself in that way, so angry. I should have said the same or similar things, but in a calmer way. However, I believe I was punished more for what I said. Not only was I given a life sentence, but also for over five years my name and image were used as a symbol of so-called "terrorism." The punishment was for not cowering to the system of injustice and for expressing my beliefs. I am innocent of the charges against me. Even with the limitations of ex-President Fujimori's antiterrorism legislation that will sentence me today, this court has not proven the contrary. Yes, I jointly rented a house with another person, but I did not do so with the idea or intent of doing so for the MRTA and there is no evidence to the contrary. Yes, I did rent an apartment later that year, once the house had been sublet. I rented it and lived in it as witnesses from the apartment building have confirmed. I did not rent it to hide anyone or for any reason related to the MRTA, and there is no evidence to the contrary. Yes, I did know on a social, human basis, several people who wound up being part of, or somehow related to the MRTA. I knew them with other identities and I had absolutely no reason to doubt the truth of who they said they were. They did not act in any way to make me think otherwise. Perhaps there is a cultural difference here, but it goes against my upbringing to snoop around in someone else's belongings or covertly visit their rooms, to interrogate them or pry into their private lives. I had already lived in several communal environments, both in the United States and abroad, and there is an issue of mutual respect, respect for other's space and privacy. One must mind one's own business. For these reasons, after subletting, I never went to the fourth level of the house nor did I go into any other room that was sublet. I never cooked for the MRTA nor brought food upstairs. I never led nor participated in indoctrination courses - not with or without a hood. No one has testified to the contrary. In fact the young people who had lived there all said - as do I - that they first saw me in DINCOTE or in prison. Among my personal belongings the police found my computer, beeper, and the cell phone I rented. I used these things for work and recreational purposes. Unfortunately the books, the tapes, and my writings "strangely" disappeared. They would have provided concrete evidence of studies I was conducting and the articles I was writing. I did not obtain any "communications equipment," beepers, or computers for the MRTA and there is no evidence to the contrary. I did not come to Peru to cause any harm. I was and am interested in Peru's history and Peru's future. The reason I wanted to write articles about Peru was precisely because I thought it was very important that people in the United States and elsewhere know more about Peru. Peru's cultural richness should be more greatly appreciated by all. I believe that cultural history should be considered useful in the present and looking toward the future. I was seriously writing those articles. The editors of the magazines have confirmed it. My notes, my interviews with various people prove it. I knew nothing about any supposed plan the MRTA may have had to seize the congress. To this day I know nothing about such a plan or even if it existed and if it existed, I certainly had nothing to do with it. After hearing Miguel Rincon's testimony in this courtroom and the reading of Pacifico Castrellon's statements at different phases of this process, I am absolutely certain that Castrellon has told lies to save his own skin, not simply to hide any real participation he may have had in all of this, but especially to seek his own release by condemning others. His statements were the only basis of my sentence in the military court and were the basis of the prosecutor's accusations here. It is very common to shift responsibilities to others when trying to secure your release. Castrellon admitted to knowing many people who he described in detail and pointed a finger at. I don't know if he really knew these people or if they even existed because the only evidence of their existence is in Castrellon's statement. But certainly I have never, ever met any of the people he claims he met through me. Such claims are absolutely false. Some of the contradictions between Castrellon's statements and those of the other detainees support what Miguel Rincon said about Castrellon in this courtroom. When Castrellon was asked why Rincon called him an international collaborator, Castrellon said "Oh, that's part of their jargon, the same way he would have considered me to be a traitor." The concept of betrayal denoted having belonged to or shared something with a group of people or cause. I am innocent of the prosecutor's charges of being a member of and a collaborator with the MRTA. In fact, by definition one cannot be both a member and a collaborator. I am neither and there is no evidence to the contrary. I did not come to Peru to cause harm or damage to anyone or anything. I have always been deeply concerned with issues of poverty and social justice, and if I was interested in Peru' history and its people, it was with my best intentions. When I spoke about poverty five years ago during my press presentation, it was because the human suffering caused by social injustice is unfair, inhumane, and downright immoral. Poverty in Peru has gotten worse since my detention. Now people talk about more sectors of poor and higher percentages of extreme poverty. And no one can deny this. Not only that, politicians, the church -- everyone speaks of it. I have been very open and honest about this because it has been part of my way of life for many years -- I believe that when things are wrong, one should say they are wrong. One should speak out when faced with injustice. I am grateful I was raised that way, as I am also grateful that my family continues to support and promote those social and moral values, for all people. I am grateful for the help of my family and friends and especially for the presence of my parents in this courtroom throughout this trial. I haven't hidden my opinions or my beliefs. I have been honest and transparent when expressing who I am and what I think. It has been a tremendous honor for me to be involved in social issues for many years. It has also been a great honor for me to work in a country like El Salvador, work with refugees, with students, and, particularly, on the peace process. I have nothing to be ashamed of. If I describe my work in El Salvador or say I like the music of Victor Jara who was cruelly assassinated by a dictatorship because of his beliefs, that does not make me guilty of a crime. On the contrary, I think that it makes it clearer who I am and what I believe. I have nothing but love for the Latin American and Peruvian people. I've been in jail many years now, but I still have great hopes and I'm still convinced that there will be a future of justice for the people of Peru and all humanity. __________________________________________________________________ portside (the left side in nautical parlance) is a news, discussion and debate service of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. It aims to provide varied material of interest to people on the left. Post : mail to '[EMAIL PROTECTED]' Subscribe : mail to '[EMAIL PROTECTED]' Unsubscribe : mail to '[EMAIL PROTECTED]' List owner : [EMAIL PROTECTED] Web address : <http://www.egroups.com/group/portside> Digest mode : visit Web site The Che Guevara Information Archive http://www.geocities.com/Hollywood/8702/che.html Che Guevara Discussion Forum http://www.voy.com/493/ Subscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Unsubscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Change Delivery Options: http://www.egroups.com/mygroups Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ ******* from: [EMAIL PROTECTED] subject: Herald: Menem-ex president arrested over Arms scandal [SMH Home | Text-only index] (ARGENTINA) Colourful ex-president arrested over arms scandal Date: 09/06/2001 By Clinton Porteous in Santiago, Chile The arrest of the flamboyant former Argentine president Carlos Menem over his alleged role in arms trafficking has plunged the debt-ridden country into further political instability. The arrest almost certainly ends his ambitions of becoming president again in 2003, and comes less than two weeks after he married a former Chilean beauty queen, Cecilia Bolocco, who is almost half his age. He was sentenced to house arrest, enabling them to spend time together. An investigating federal judge alleged Menem engaged in illicit association over the sale of more than 6,500 tonnes of shells, rifles, cannons and gunpowder while president. The court heard that weapons were sent to Croatia in 1991 and 1993 during the Balkans war in breach of a United Nations arms embargo. Arms were also sent to Ecuador when it was at war with neighbouring Peru, and Argentina was supposedly a peace moderator. Menem has admitted he authorised the sales, but said the shipments were meant for Panama and Venezuela and were illegally diverted. After the court ordered his arrest, pending a full trial, his brother Mr Eduardo Menem criticised the decision as a farce. "It's a sad day for Argentine democracy and the legal system." The leadership style of Menem, president from 1989 to 1999, was a mixture of politics and showbiz. He was once photographed with the Rolling Stones, and was a notorious womaniser. However, he curbed hyperinflation by pegging the peso to the US dollar, and engaged in widespread privatisation to stimulate the economy. The architect of many of those decisions was the economy minister, Mr Domingo Cavallo, who has since switched parties and again holds the portfolio. Many observers believe Mr Cavallo could be dragged into the arms scandal, which would have disastrous consequences for the economy, now in its third year of recession. Menem's arrest less than two years after leaving office sent shockwaves through the nation. "This is a monumental event because it has to do with the nation's former president," President Fernando de la Ra said. The general director of the majority Australian-owned port operator in Buenos Aires, Mr Diego Segura, said the arrest was another blow for the country. "Politics here in Argentina is a mess. This is just one more issue." Australia and Argentina have been drawn closer together since the Argentinian state-owned company Invap won the $283.7 million contract to rebuild the nuclear research reactor at Lucas Heights. Before Menem's arrest three of his closest advisers had been detained over the arms sales, including the former chief of the army the previous day. Menem, 70, was granted house arrest instead of jail because of his age. He left court on Thursday with his wife and boarded a helicopter bound for a friend's mansion north of Buenos Aires, where he will serve his detention. [SMH Home | Text-only index] ******* from: [EMAIL PROTECTED] subject: Guardian: Argentina's economic woes Delivered-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] From: Lydia Clancy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Le Monde / Street protests add to Argentina's economic woes / Christine>Legrand in Buenos Aires >Street protests add to Argentina's economic woes >Jobless take action as recession bites deep, with no end in sight >Christine Legrand in Buenos Aires > >On May 21 the International Monetary Fund announced that it was releasing a further $1.2bn tranche of the $13.4bn line of credit it granted Buenos Aires to put the Argentine economy back on its feet. The country, which has been in deep recession for nearly three years, has now also been hit by serious social unrest. The official unemployment rate is 15%; 7m of its 37m inhabitants are living in extreme poverty; whole sectors of industry have gone under as a result of competition from imports, smuggling, high lending rates and an overvalued currency. Peso-dollar parity, introduced in 1991 to combat three-figure inflation, is now working against the country's interests. > The jobless protesters of La Matanza, a town 20km west of the capital -in the heart of what was once Buenos Aires province's largest and most populated industrial zone -represent a new type of social struggle that is spreading across the country. Unemployment in La Matanza is put at 30%. Mercedes Benz, Volkswagen, the Acindar steelworks, cold storage plants and hundreds of small businesses have closed or are just ticking over. > According to official figures, 40% of La Matanza's residents live below the poverty line; and 60% of these are the "new poor", who were once middle class but who have lost out over the past 10 years as a result of dwindling salaries and unemployment. La Matanza's protesters have blocked railway lines and roads. On May 22 several major roads running through Buenos Aires province to the federal capital were blocked. Road-blocks also paralysed the provinces of Jujuy, Salta and Tucuman (in the north), Rio Negro (Patagonia) and Neuquen (Andes), as well as some of the poorer suburbs of Buenos Aires. >The same day several hundred Children of the People, a movement affiliated to the main Argentine trade union (CTA), arrived at the Plaza de Mayo in the heart of the capital after a two-week march from La Quiaca, a town in the far north. The children demanded work for their parents and schools for themselves. Another group of marchers, asking for "bread and work", had arrived at the Plaza de Mayo a week earlier. The square, overlooked by President Fernando De La Rua's palace, is the traditional site of big demonstrations, and it is where the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo have met every Thursday for almost 25 years in remembrance of their sons, who disappeared under the military dictatorship between 1976 and 1983. >Representatives of small and medium-sized businesses plan to demonstrate outside the home of the economics minister, Domingo Cavallo, to "protest against the economic model". > Politicians have become highly unpopular. Ostensibly for budgetary reasons, the government scrapped the traditional May 25 procession to celebrate the 1810 uprising that marked the start of the country's struggle for independence. It was replaced by a simple military march-past. Presidential officials admit that they feared hostility towards De La Rua similar to that which took place at a navy fete at Mar del Plata a few days earlier. The president's popularity ratings are at a record low. Hugo Moyano, leader of the powerful CGT labour federation, has urged the government to call an early presidential election to "save democracy". > Another industrial dispute has been worrying the government for weeks. Aerolineas Argentinas -the airline that was sold in 1990 to the state-owned Spanish company, Iberia -is bankrupt, with debts of $900m. It is now 85% owned by Sepi, a Spanish state holding company, and 15% by the Argentine government. > After making dozens of staff redundant and announcing plans to increase working hours, the company failed to pay $11m worth of salaries in April, causing 2,000 of its 7,000 staff to go on strike. The Argentine government has threatened to fine Sepi $1m a day. > The privatisation of state-owned companies, pursued over the past decade, has poured about $40bn into state coffers. Yet it has failed to reduce the country's foreign debt, which has risen from $62bn to $170bn. On top of the deteriorating situation on the industrial and economic fronts, crime has risen officially by almost 200% since 1995. Four out of five of Buenos Aires' inhabitants fear being attacked in their homes, in the street or in taxis. Reports of bloody shoot-outs between police and gangsters in the heart of the capital make the front pages of the newspapers almost daily. > On May 22 the congress examined two emergency government bills aimed at giving federal police extra powers and introducing heavier prison sentences for criminals.Meanwhile, the Centre for Legal and Social Studies (CLSS) has denounced institutional violence, which it says is "the result of behavioural patterns deeply rooted in the security services" since the time of the military dictatorship. > In its annual report, published on May 22, which analyses issues such as policing, poor prison conditions, poverty and immigration, the CLSS claims that human rights violations by the Buenos Aires police are condoned by the executive. May 24 > >The Guardian Weekly 31-5-2001, page 25 " JC
