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From: "Joe Hall" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Mon, 23 Jul 2001 23:47:54 +0000
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [Peoples War] Nepal - Not just a palace coup






NOT JUST A PALACE COUP: NEPAL IS CAULDRON OF MASS
REBELLION 
The spectacular assassination of most of the royal family of
Nepal on June 2 is an extension of a social crisis that has
turned feudal Nepal on its head.
Millions of workers and peasants in one of the poorest
countries in the world have shaken off centuries of feudal
oppression and have been in open revolt.
Just days before the royal assassinations, the capital city
of Katmandu was paralyzed by a three-day general strike
demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Girija Koirala
on charges of corruption. The Communist Party of Nepal--
United Marxist-Leninist called the general strike in a bloc
with five other left parties. Together they hold almost half
the seats in an unstable parliament and have been deadlocked
against the Nepal Congress Party on every fundamental class
issue. 
Distribution of the land to the peasants is the fundamental
question in a country where 80 percent of the people are
engaged in subsistence agriculture. The small but powerful
landlord class has blocked any parliamentary solution to
this burning issue. On May 30 The Telegraph of Nepal
predicted that the overwhelmingly successful general strike
"signals sudden collapse is imminent."
Large parts of the rural areas are in the hands of a
communist insurgency. An armed struggle began in February
1996 led by the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist. This
revolutionary upheaval is a cause of great concern to the
Indian bourgeoisie and to the British and U.S. ruling
classes. 
According to an article in the Asia Times that appeared May
25, a week before the royal assassinations, "35 districts in
the country are affected by the insurgency ... in some areas
the Maoists run a parallel administration.... To date, the
insurgency has directly affected the lives of roughly two-
thirds of Nepal's 24 million people. The rapid expansion of
their activities has raised concerns that the Maoists might
at some point be able to overturn the government."
A PALACE COUP 
The explanation of the assassinations first put forth in the
Indian media is that 29-year-old Crown Prince Dipendra,
after an argument with his family over his marriage choice,
killed his father, King Birendra, his mother, Queen
Aiswarya, and six other member of the royal family before
turning the gun on himself. The official explanation is that
an automatic weapon "exploded."
These stories are not believed by the masses of people. This
is because it is widely known that the entire government was
collapsing in a political crisis, not in a marital dispute.
Over the past 50 years the feudal landlord class in Nepal--
backed by the British, U.S. and Indian bourgeoisies--have
again and again used the monarchy to dissolve a weak,
advisory parliament in times of crisis. The monarchy or
royal court, as in other feudal societies, represents and is
tied to the interests of one or another contending faction
within the ruling class and is entangled in alliances with
competing outside forces.
A rising chorus of the propertied elite was demanding
repressive action against the mass movement and the
parliamentary impasse. However, the decaying royal court
seemed indecisive, out of touch and unable to defend the
property interests of the ruling class as a whole.
Some other member of the royal family--such as the brother
of the king, Prince Gyanendra, who conveniently was not at
the ill-fated Friday night dinner and is now the new king--
may have the backing of powerful internal or international
forces. 
According to Nabun Sapkota of the Revolutionary Anti-
Imperialist Forum of Nepal, the reactionary forces, both
foreign and internal, are behind this old maneuver to play
one part of the royal family against the other. King
Berandra is reported to have been closer to the U.S. Other
forces at the royal court, including Prime Minister Koirala,
have been closer to the Indian bourgeoisie. A debate was
raging among them over whether or not to use the army in
addition to the police to suppress the insurgency.
Delhi is deeply concerned because the guerrilla movement in
Nepal is linked to several guerrilla wars in India.
King Birendra was eulogized in the corporate media as a
gentle, enlightened monarch, beloved by his subjects. Nepal
is described as a constitutional monarchy.
Whatever his personal characteristics, King Birendra
ascended to the throne in 1972 as an absolute monarch of an
impoverished, backward feudal state. He did nothing to
change this situation. He dissolved parliament and closed
all dissent. All political parties were banned. Limited
elections were allowed for what was only an advisory
government. 
AMONG POOREST IN THE WORLD
Although King Birendra was educated at Harvard and his son
Prince Dipendra was educated at Britain's Eton College, he
ruled as an absolute monarch over a population that is more
than 65 percent illiterate. The life expectancy of 51 years
is among the lowest in the world. Nepal has one of the
highest levels of infant mortality and malnutrition, with 72
percent of the population living within the United Nations
definition of extreme poverty.
As the peasant insurgency has grown, it has impacted on the
lucrative international tourist trade and expeditions to
Mount Everest. 
Wealthy international tourists trekking in Nepal are charmed
by the quaint traditional life of villagers in the Himalayan
Mountains who live without electricity or plumbing.
These peasants are tied to and indebted to the landlords.
Charms and prayers are their only protection from disease.
Society is divided by a rigid caste system. Illiteracy and
the lack of a national network of roads intensify rural
isolation. Deeply cut valleys divide ethnic groups. There
are 25 different nationalities and seven major languages
along with 125 recorded languages. Only 14 percent of the
people have access to electricity.
In 1990 militant street protests in Katmandu grew into an
explosive mass movement, finally forcing the king to
abdicate power and accept a constitution that made the royal
family a mere constitutional figurehead.
Political parties were legalized. Militant communist
organizations, mass organizations and unions recruited
hundreds of thousands. The masses had taken the stage.
BRITISH AND U.S. ROLE
Nepal had been a semi-colony since the British invasion of
1816. The mountainous terrain made total subjugation not
practical for the British, but they used the highly
organized Gerker troops from Nepal as mercenaries to
subjugate other peoples throughout the British Empire.
As an anti-China threat, the U.S. government has for over 40
years pumped in millions of dollars to maintain the Dalai
Lama of Tibet and his whole entourage in exile in India,
including an office in Nepal. The Central Intelligence
Agency spent many millions training a Tibetan contra army.
It spent nothing for the development of Nepal.
While the role of the U.S. government in Nepal's present
turmoil is not clear, it is important to note that Nepal is
a buffer state sandwiched between China and India. As the
British Empire has faded, U.S. imperialism has assumed the
role of preventing revolutionary upheaval.
ROYALTY AND CLASS STABILITY
In its early, progressive period, the bourgeoisie in
countries like Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Sweden and
Japan overthrew the old feudal order but then found it
useful to reinstate and keep on retainer, at great public
expense, utterly worthless royal families. A similar effort
was made in Nepal. 
The feudal landlord class and old nobility in Nepal, along
with the Indian bourgeoisie and U.S. and British
imperialism, have all had a stake in preserving the archaic
royal family in Nepal. It is a powerful bulwark in
maintaining class divisions and private property.
All the weight of tradition protects the right of
inheritance and sanctifies the gross inequality in society.
Both British and U.S. imperialism have protected, equipped
and trained the military for utterly corrupt dynasties
throughout the Middle East and Asia, from Kuwait, Morocco
and Saudi Arabia to Thailand and Afghanistan.
However, when such an outmoded ruling structure is in danger
of being swept away by a genuine people's revolution, the
imperialists may act to remove the most hated figures and
install carefully chosen "reformers" in order to stave off
an upheaval that would threaten their interests.
But there is another road. If the revolutionary workers'
movement in the cities, led by several different communist
parties, and the communist insurgency in the countryside can
find common ground for collaboration, that would be a huge
step toward battering down all the reactionary forces that
are holding back social and economic development in Nepal.
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