From: "Magnus Bernhardsen" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Nepalese rebels follow Mao's path

Guerrillas subduing the countryside before moving on cities

Dermot Tatlow, Chronicle Foreign Service Tuesday, July 31, 2001

Jajarkot, Nepal --
Deputy Police Superintendent Maya Kumar Shah sits in a sandbagged hilltop
headquarters, unsure who among his 450 officers is loyal to the crown and
who 
to a surging Maoist guerrilla army. Sentries keep an eye on the valley
below, 
ever fearful of an attack.
"We were not meant to fight a war," said Shah, who conceded that morale had
improved because of an extra $50 in "danger money" to supplement his
officers' 
$70-a-month salary. "It is only four years since Nepali police routinely
started to carry guns. How can we fight guerrillas?"
Shah's lament is a chilling reminder that the Nepali government is slowly
losing control of the countryside to a rebel army whose strength is
estimated 
at 4,000 men and women.
"Only when we have guns do the capitalists and big landlords run away,"
said a 23-year-old rebel squadron leader named Comrade Muktee.
Nepal's constitutional monarchy, which is still reeling from the effects of
the killings last month of King Birendra and seven members of the royal
family 
by the crown prince in a drug-induced drunken rage, is facing its worst
political crisis in years. The Maoists, who model themselves on Peru's
Shining 
Path guerrillas, now run parallel governments in eight of Nepal's 75
districts 
and are active in 62 others, according to official sources.
After the latest skirmish last week, in which guerrillas killed at least 17
police officers in the western village of Pandusen and captured their
arsenal 
of rifles, pistols and ammunition, both sides announced that they had
agreed 
to peace talks for the first time since the insurgency began.
The revolt is rooted in abject poverty. More than 80 percent of Nepal's 24
million inhabitants are subsistence farmers who live without electricity,
piped water or sewage systems. The per capita gross domestic product (GDP)
is 
just $1,100, according to the World Factbook 2000.
SHORTAGE OF FARMLAND
"There is not enough arable land here," said Shah of his impoverished
western Jajarkot district, referring to a major reason for the rebels'
success.
"Young people used to go to India for work. Now they join the Maoist army."
The conflict is also seen as a rejection of the political infighting in
Nepal's fledgling multiparty democracy, which has seen 10 different
governments in the past 10 years, and of rampant corruption from a regime
that 
shows no interest in anything but enriching itself.
The insurgency began in 1996 after the Maoist faction of the Communist
Party of Nepal was banned from contesting a general election because of its
opposition to the constitutional monarchy. Its members soon began a
"people's 
war," assassinating landlords and rural officials, robbing banks and
bombing 
police stations. In the past five years, some 1,700 people have been
killed.
The guerrillas' strategy, which is based on Mao Zedong's revolutionary
teachings, is to take over the countryside by wooing peasants with promises
of 
land, then surround the cities, including the capital, Kathmandu.
Baburam Bhattarai, the movement's intellectual inspiration, has vowed to
"hoist the hammer and sickle atop Mount Everest." And Maoist supreme leader
Prachanda boasted to the Associated Press last week that he had formed an
alliance with other South Asian guerrilla groups and that "the people's
revolution shall be completed very soon, not in the remote future."
The birthplace of Maoism, however, is not amused. In fact, Chinese leaders
have gone to great lengths to assure Nepal that they will not give the
guerrillas any assistance. For their part, the insurgents scoff at China's
leadership for dragging its people down the road of capitalism.
"We are not swimming against the tide," said Comrade Jiwan, 36, a pistol-
packing former primary school teacher who is the party chief in Jajarkot.
"We 
want to bring the rest of the world that's against us to the right
direction."
If there is any doubt who runs Jajarkot, ask K.B. Rana, 43, a local civil
servant in charge of district development. He says the government controls
less than one square mile, while the rebels command 820.
Jajarkot has neither cars nor roads. The annual per capita income is $110,
and the average schooling is 1.3 years. Thirty percent of the district's
schools have no buildings. Many peasants live in crude mud-walled houses
thatched with rice straw.
"Frankly speaking, the government has not done enough," said Rana. "Very
little of the (federal) budget is allocated here."
In the Jajarkot countryside, guerrillas walk freely with weapons slung
across their shoulders. Their arms are a collection of antique
muzzle-loaded flintlock muskets, World War II vintage rifles and 12-gauge
shotguns captured 
in raids on police stations. The Maoists levy taxes on teachers,
shopkeepers 
and other wage earners to finance development projects. They also have
banned polygamy, gambling and alcohol, and say they have widespread
support.
But a 19-year-old villager who asked not to be named said only "25 percent
of the people enthusiastically support them."
Another farmer wearing threadbare clothes, looking far older than his 48
years, added: "People change (political sides) according to the situation.
They are (caught) in the middle."
Women are a significant source of support for the insurgents. In Jajarkot,
according to a 1998 report by two Nepalese academics, adult female literacy
is only 9 percent, compared with 40 percent for males. And since women have
no 
legal property rights, the Maoist message of equality falls on eager ears.
Comrade Naveena, 16, is one of three females in a squad of 15 guerrillas.
"I joined the war to liberate women from discrimination," she said during a
training exercise. "I wouldn't have been happy staying at home doing small
things like cutting grass and feeding cattle."
So far, the Maoists have not acted against tourism, the mainstay of Nepal's
economy. In 1999, the latest year for which figures are available, 500,000
tourists spent $168 million, supplying about 4 percent of the GDP. The
guerrillas, however, have taxed foreign treks and pressured store owners on
trekking routes to stop selling alcohol and Coca-Cola.
They also have taxed international aid agencies and looted the offices of
several international aid organizations such as CARE. Tax receipts are
stamped 
with the heads of Marx, Lenin and Mao.
ATTEMPT ON THE CHIEF JUSTICE
Although the government has been slow to combat the insurgency, an attempt
to murder the Supreme Court chief justice and the killings of 80 police
officers in two attacks in April spurred officials to try to contain the
movement to the western regions, where it has the most support.
In the meantime, observers are skeptical that Nepal's new prime minister,
Sher Bahadur Deuba, and rebel leader Prachanda will work out any agreement.
"It's a long shot because the two sides are hopelessly at odds over the
Maoist main demand," said Suman Pradhan, news editor for the Kathmandu
Post, 
of an all-party convention to draft "a new constitution and new system of
government."
And if the talks fail, analysts say, Nepal's scarce resources will continue
to be spent on weapons rather than on development.
"If poverty and social inequality continue to grow," said Pradhan, "there
is a possibility that the Maoists might succeed in the long run."


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