From: Rick Rozoff <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]


[Except for the incongruous mention of the infamous
International Crisis Group in the next-to-last
paragraph, and some false naif posturing regarding the
West's intentions, what follows is not without
interest.]

"What is happening in Macedonia is nothing
new....[T]he cold-war dreams of Eastern European
nations about the blessings of the West ended in a
cruel, post-socialist awakening. Macedonia's
misfortune lies in the fact that it has been forced to
face reality in the worst way imaginable: with a gun
to its head.


AIM, Paris
FRI, 17 AUG 2001 00:52:25 GMT

The end of a love affair
by Bajic Zeljko

For years Macedonia has been considered the most
devoted ally of the West in the region. When the
crisis began, however, the love affair turned sour.
AIM Skopje, Aug. 1, 2001

Macedonian villagers from the Tetovo region
demonstrated in front of the Macedonian Parliament
building on July 24, after they were forced out of
their homes by fighting. It was the end of the day
when Skopje was startled by the news that
international representatives Francois Leotard and
James Pardew urged the leaders of the four leading
political parties, in talks on resolving the crisis,
that Albanian be granted the status of the second
official language in areas where ethnic Albanians
account for more than 20 percent of the population.

The Macedonian public, frustrated by the political
elite's inability to resolve the crisis in recent
months, saw this as a major provocation. Later in the
evening, the unfortunate villagers were joined by a
group of unidentified young people who immediately
took over: they marched through the city streets,
torched a number of vehicles belonging to
international organizations, wrecked a McDonalds
restaurant and the offices of British Airways and
broke windows on the German and British embassies. And
that was not all! The riot was supposed to culminate
in front of the U.S. embassy, where the demonstrators
were going to give the West "a piece of their mind."
In other words, a rerun of March 24, 1999, was to
follow. Back then, Skopje was the city that most
courageously stood up against NATO's attack on
Yugoslavia. Pictures of the U.S. embassy, wrecked and
burning, made headlines worldwide. But on July 24,
2001, the angry crowd stopped in front of an
unconquerable bunker, which the U.S. embassy had
become over the past two years. The following evening
the demonstrators attempted to reach the residential
district of Vodno, where President Trajkovski, Prime
Minister Georgijevski and Western diplomats live.
Police (who did practically nothing about the riots
the day before) saw it was no longer a laughing
matter, taking action to suppress this expansion of
"spontaneous anger." The villagers from around Tetovo,
in addition, were forced to distance themselves from
the events, saying that "someone has taken advantage
of our suffering." 

The following day not a single Western country omitted
to express, in one form or another, its displeasure
with such an expression of anger. The matter, however,
did not end there. In an allegedly unrelated
statement, the U.S. State Department said that due to
staff reductions at the embassy it would have to stop
issuing visas to Macedonian citizens at its consular
department in Skopje, advising potential applicants to
travel to neighboring countries harboring U.S.
diplomatic missions. Unofficial sources said the U.S.
"colony" in Skopje, formerly numbering 500 people, had
been reduced to a mere 40. Foreign media organizations
reported that a platoon of marines would arrive to
assist their fellow countrymen in Macedonia, and
protect them if need be. British Airways cancelled
flights to Skopje because the service "is not making
money." The Western media, which as of recently have
people in Macedonia, started looking for clues about
the Macedonians' "anti-Western sentiment."

There are many explanations, but Western analysts are
prone to accept one that says the West, or more
precisely, the United States, has done several
"strange things" since the onset of the crisis: little
was done to seal the Macedonian border with Kosovo,
which the Macedonian public believes caused the
conflict and activities of the National Liberation
Army to escalate. Furthermore, the role of the U.S.
MPRI Consultants has not been clarified. MPRI
Consultants allegedly offered its services to both the
Macedonian army and the KLA-NLA. There is also the
issue of the evacuation of NLA guerrillas from the
village of Aracinovo and the fact that the Americans
never bothered to address rumors that their
instructors and sophisticated weaponry were present
there, which prompted last month's demonstrations in
front of the Parliament building. Leotard and Pardew's
"language" proposal was only the last straw.

Some foreign analysts sought an answer in the 10-year
history of the youngest state in the Balkans. Since
its creation, Macedonia never concealed that it wanted
to become a fully-fledged member of NATO and the
European Union. Of course, other nearby countries also
had similar plans, but Macedonia was always portrayed
as a paradigm of co-existence and ethnic tolerance.
Everybody was quick to praise this state of affairs.
The political elites quickly, maybe even too quickly,
realized how they would have to behave in order to win
the West's support: never openly oppose something,
endlessly express your readiness to build democracy,
multi-cultural society, and pursue economic reforms.
Thanks to such cooperativeness, Macedonian politicians
got numerous privileges: the people at the top met
with the most important international officials, there
was enough financial assistance for adding many a
luxury to government buildings, to purchase costly
vehicles, and for all sorts of international
conferences -- in short, they lived in a world that
had nothing in common with the Macedonia of today.

Preoccupied with Euro-Atlantic integration, or more
precisely, with their own international endorsement,
local politicians failed to notice several devastating
facts. Privatization, often reminiscent of the
cruelest forms of early capitalism, was presented to
workers as an indispensable part of economic reforms
backed by international financial institutions. What
were the tens of thousands of people who lost their
jobs for the sake of "economic reforms" and a market
economy supposed to think? The multi-party system was
embodied in leaders lacking any clear vision of the
kind of society they were actually planning to build
and was perceived by the ordinary people as a cruel
struggle for power, lauded and supported by numerous
Western "instructors in democracy." While government
officials were traveling around the globe, the common
folk had to stand in line in front of foreign
embassies for days, exposed to endless forms of
humiliation. The government, regardless of who was in
power, explained the building of trust between the
ethnic groups and the expansion of collective and
individual rights as a result of Western pressure,
that is, not as of efforts to truly democratize
society. 

This is why the observant International Crisis Group
is probably right in concluding in its most recent
report that the past years were not properly used to
explain to Macedonian politicians that radical
changes, especially in ethnic relations, were indeed
necessary. 

What is happening in Macedonia is nothing new, say
transition experts. Russia was the most drastic such
example. Many "transitiologists" have pointed to the
West's lack of caution and sensitivity to the fact
that it could turn ordinary people against it. Or, to
put it differently, the cold-war dreams of East
European nations about the blessings of the West have
ended in a cruel, post-socialist awakening.
Macedonia's misfortune lies in the fact that it has
been forced to face reality in the worst way
imaginable: with a gun to its head.

Zeljko Bajic (AIM) 




  

 
  

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