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Subject: Fw: (CPUSA) New anti-terrorism law has civil libertarians worried

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From: SolidNet <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Monday, October 15, 2001 10:40 AM
Subject: CP USA , New anti-terrorism law has civil libertarians worried


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     CP USA , New anti-terrorism law has civil libertarians worried
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                         From: RedNet, 15/10/01
              http://www.cpusa.org , mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
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People's Weekly October 13, 2001 Edition.

     New anti-terrorism law has civil libertarians worried
                            By Emile Schepers

Under cover of preventing new terrorist attacks, the Bush administration
is trying to push through draconian new legislation that could strip
non-citizens, even those legally in the country, of many Bill of Rights
protections. Though civil and constitutional rights advocates and some
Democratic - and even Republican - members of Congress are trying to
stop the most repressive components of the new law, it is clear the Bill
of Rights is in danger of becoming a casualty of the current efforts
against terrorism. The "Mobilization Against Terrorism Act," would take
already wide-ranging powers of the government to act against
non-citizens in ways it could not constitutionally do against citizens,
and expand them greatly. The National Lawyers' Guild warns that this
legislation "radically short-circuits procedures designed to distinguish
the innocent from the guilty ... it essentially makes the INS judge,
jury and executioner in any case where it charges ties to terrorism."

Among the most dangerous aspects of this legislation are: Definitions of
what constitutes terrorism that are so broad as to include any armed act
engaged in for other than monetary gain. No distinction would be made
between people who blow up airplanes full of innocent noncombatants, and
people who take up arms to rid their country of a brutal dictator. Thus
George Washington, who, after all, used violence to get rid of British
colonial rule, might well qualify as a terrorist. Indeed, during the
Reagan administration, the African National Congress in South Africa was
classified as terrorist. Had the proposed law been in force at that
time, non-citizens in the U.S. could have been punished for supporting
the anti-apartheid struggle. Under this legislation, the executive
branch can decide on its own, through a "certification" by the attorney
general, that a non-citizen engaged in a crime of violence or support an
organization, which has engaged in violence in the past. No finding or
even assertion that there are actual terrorist associations or illegal
actions is necessary for that person to be placed in mandatory detention
and/or removed from the country without any prior judicial finding.
(That is to say, the attorney general would only have to declare that
so-and-so is "a risk" for the INS to be required to pick that person up
and throw him or her out of the country. This action could only be
appealed once the person has been thrown out. The decision for such a
drastic action would be taken by INS officials, not a judge, and review
would be limited to the Washington D.C. circuit court. These new
mechanisms are not only aimed at people who provide help or support to
armed actions. Even if you sent medical help to an overseas group that
the Attorney General decides is or was at some time "terrorist" as
defined above, you could be summarily picked up and thrown out of the
United States. Such legislation is sure to have a "chilling effect" on
people who otherwise might be tempted to support social justice
struggles here and abroad.

This legislation is based on the assumption that non-citizens in the
United States are not protected by the Bill of Rights and/or that
detention and deportation are not matters covered by the Bill of Rights.
This is a matter that has been argued back and forth for decades, for,
of course, the Bill of Rights makes no distinctions between citizens and
non-citizens in guaranteeing freedom of speech, press, religion,
assembly (and by implication, association) and due process. But
successive administrations have alternately argued either that the Bill
of Rights "did not really mean" itself to cover non-citizens, or that
deportation is not a punishment but "merely an administrative
procedure." This is like saying that cutting someone's head off is not a
punishment but a "mere surgical procedure." Emile Schepers is a reader
in Chicago who writes frequently on immigrant rights.

*End*


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