From: CIEPAC <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Mon, 15 Oct 2001 16:18:58 -0500
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [Ciepac-i] English Chiapas al Dia 249     I

BOLETIN �CHIAPAS AL DIA� No. 249
CIEPAC; CHIAPAS, MEXICO
June 27, 2001


THE G-8 AND THE NEOLIBERAL GLOBALIZATION CIRCUIT

On July 20th, the annual reunion of the Group of Eight (G-8), before there
were seven, will take place in Genoa, Italy.  More than 100,000 people will
protest the selective club of the richest and most industrialized nations in
the world, who in turn represent the most powerful transnational
corporations on the globe.  This remains the principal driving force and
contributor to the globalization of the Neoliberal economic model, which
could possibly be in its final stage.

Economic liberalism, which demanded nations to forbid restrictions on
investment or on the flow of raw materials, ended with the worldwide Great
Depression of 1929.  This moment of economic crisis and grave unemployment
culminated with the Second World War in 1945.  When the war ended,
transnational corporations involved in areas such as agricultural
exportation, petroleum, energy, the railroad industry, etc., were in ruins.
Europes strategic infrastructure was destroyed.  The need arose for these
nations to reestablish and reconstruct their states, purchase corporations,
subsidize capital, and provide services necessary to their populations.
Governments placed controls, taxes, rules guaranteeing economic growth, and
the primer that subsequently allowed them to shift to another economic
model: becoming financially indebted to the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund.

Vital to the reactivation of the U.S. economy was the stimulation of the
military industry.  The United States sold arms to friends and foes alike
during the Second World War.  At the end of these 15 years of violent
transition towards a different economic model, three institutions were
established that have, to this date, played a fundamental role.  The
International Monetary Fund (IMF) was created in a luxury hotel in Breton
Woods, New Hampshire.  This institution allowed the United States to achieve
hegemony in the world economy by defining the gold standard, imposing the
dollar as the international trade currency and other mechanisms designated
for global financial control.  The second institution created was the World
Bank (WB), whose initial mission was the reconstruction of Europe.  The
third institution created was the United Nations (UN) alongside with, and of
particular interest today, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, where
governments made a commitment to uphold and protect the human rights of
their civil populations, having been violated during the Second World War.
In all three of these institutions, U.S. interests prevail.

Almost 30 years later, in 1971, the United States abandons the gold
standard, generating a crisis in the international monetary system.
Oil-producing countries provoke a price increase of hydrocarbon, the United
States suffer from stagnation and Third World countries find themselves
overwhelmed with external debts to the WB and the IMF. In 1973, the finance
ministers of the United States, Japan, Great Britain, West Germany, and
France met at the White House in the United States, yards away from the main
buildings of the WB and the IMF, to discuss the worlds economic problems.
By 1975, this process culminated with the configuration of the Group of
Seven (G-7), to which Canada and Italy were added.  In 1980, the World Bank
granted its first debt to Turkey for 200 million dollars under severe
conditions known as a Structural Adjustment Program.  In this manner, other
countries ensued.   The 70s marked a decade of the beginning of the end of
the welfare state, import substitution, and Keynesianism.  This allowed the
way towards another economic model - neoliberalism.  Once again, world
governments disturbed the flow of capital.

This globalizing neoliberalism functions as a circuit: the motor or
principal subjects that group together forming alliances; the tools to
impose the model on a global scale; the mechanisms; and their negotiation
settings  imposition.  In this manner, the struggle against globalization
takes place at different levels of the globalization circuit of the
neoliberal economic model.  Lets take a look at each one.

The motor or principal subject of neoliberal globalization is productive
capital and transnational speculation.  This same productive capital makes
various camouflaged alliances under the interests of respective governments.
Among these are the Organization for Economic and Cooperative Development
(OECD) which consists of 29 of the worlds richest countries, from which has
emerged the design for the Multilateral Investment Agreement, and
subsequently to different locales of the World Trade Organization.  There
are also other alliances such as G-15, G-77, and other groupings of nations
that integrate certain regions or interests.  However, the most important
alliance is the G-8, comprised by the richest industrialized nations of the
world.  This exclusive club consists of the United States, Germany, France,
England, Japan, Canada, Italy, and recently Russia.

These are the countries representing the worlds most richest men and
transnational corporations who dominate the neoliberalism globalization
circuit.  For example, in 1999 a report by the United Nations confirmed that
the combined assets of the 100 main transnational corporations are
equivalent to more than 28.7% of the exports that were produced in 1998 by
all the countries in the world.  This figure was calculated by the World
Trade Organization at 5 billion, 442 million dollars.  In the year 2000, 10
transnational corporations received revenues of 1 billion, 482.3 million
dollars, which represents three times the gross domestic product (GDP) of
Mexico.

Observing the branches of the global economic model, a few firms control the
telephone services of the planet, petroleum reserves, automobile production,
the sell of assets chemical agricultural products, the production and sell
of seeds, the production of electric energy, the computer industry, etc.
Their annual million dollar earnings supersede the budgets of African and
Central American countries. These planetary octopuses are everywhere:
Coca-Cola, Microsoft, Monsanto, Novartis, General Motors, Shell, General
Electric, Sony, Motorola, etcetera.  They all reside within the G-8.

The most powerful tool utilized by the principal subjects of globalization
are the institutions created by them: the WB and the IMF.  In that manner,
any country requesting loans from the WB has to be a member of the IMF,
which in turn structures their economy. The G-8 has economic and political
power over both.  They represent a little more over 4% of the member states
and control the majority of the votes and resources.  They occupy 20% of the
World Banks Directorate, which is composed of 24 seats.  The United States,
Japan, France, United Kingdom, and Germany occupy one post each and the
remaining 179 nations make up the rest.

The principal mechanism utilized by the globalization circuit are the
Structural Adjustment Programs that are imposed by the IMF and the WB. When
the external debt of poor nations was overwhelming in the 1970s, these two
organizations imposed conditions to debtors that obligated governments to
relinquish control of their economy.  This transition period of the 70s and
mid-80s was characterized by coups and military dictatorships supported and
trained by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States army,
assassinations of Heads of States, and by negative consequences to those
countries refusing to implement Structural Adjustment Programs.  These
Structural Adjustment Programs entailed trade liberalization, border
openings, the privatization of firms and state services, the elimination of
subsidies and import-export tariffs, constitutional modifications to adapt
to newly created trade rules controlled by large transnationals, elimination
of labor rights, etcetera.

This signifies the severance of nations commitment to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.  The ability to guarantee the right to life,
health, education, employment, living wages, nutrition and housing is
compromised.  Governments began to repress social discontent with the use of
force and guerrillas began to flourish.  Throughout the world, organisms
proliferated for the defense of human rights in search of missing persons,
and displaced, tortured and dead people in Guatemala, Chile, Argentina,
Bolivia, Uruguay, El Salvador and many other countries.  Bit by bit, poverty
conditions generated struggles for womens rights, salaries, unemployment,
etc.

The circuit closes itself in its negotiation setting  imposition. When the
interests of the G-8 are imposed, many have been created among those the
structure of the UN, Davos Economic Forum, the WTO, regional integration
under free trade agreements such as the European Union, Mercosur, o the Free
Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), among many.

The G-8 crosses through the global circuit where manifestations against
globalization at diverse levels take place.  For example, against
transnational petroleum firms, seed and food manufacturers, auto-part
makers, and among others, those that have been realized against Coca-Cola,
Nike, Texaco, General Motors, McDonalds, Monsanto, etc. They also manifest
against the WTO, OECD, IMF, WB, the UN, and the FTAA.

The neoliberal model will come to an end and we are in a transition stage
that for some began in Chiapas in 1994 with the Zapatista uprising and the
inception of the first free trade agreement of great magnitude. For others,
it began in Seattle in 1999 with the first large-scale global manifestation
against the most powerful negotiation setting imposition in the world: the
WTO, which combines a majority of 135 countries.  This transition could last
10 to 20 years.  We do not know.  The signs of this transition are becoming
more acute.  The protest movements against globalization are not the only
sign.  It is also marked by the oncoming economic crisis faced by the G-8
and the most powerful �nation-firms� within the three economic blocks on the
planet.  In the American Continent, Canada is in a crisis and the United
States is facing an economic recession alongside a democratic crisis
questioning the legitimacy of an electoral process and a new pro - armament
president.

In Asia, Japan has not been able to recuperate from its 1998 marked crisis.
In the European Union, Germany is experiencing reduced growth, England is
living through an agricultural and fishing crisis, and the President of
France is facing major social discontent. President Putin of Russia is
dragging along an ever-intensifying political crisis.  The head of state of
Italy and host of the G-8 in Genoa, Silvio Berlusconi, headed the G-7 Summit
in 1994 as president.

In the face of this new crisis, the signs of war are ringing throughout the
world.  President George Bush lauched another military race in the world and
an offensive in Latin America with the Columbia Plan that infests all of
Latin America with militaries.  The G-8 will now reunite to mitigate their
differences on the environment, labor rights, free trade agreements, the
stage of the neoliberal circuit, petroleum, energy, water, trade, and world
territories.  But in the midst of all this, hope emerges from the south.
Indigenous and peasants are resisting, surviving, and addressing the global
society.

How many years will have to pass before indigenous rights and culture in
Chiapas and Mexico are recognized after the Mexican Congress approved a
constitutional reform negating any possibilities for peace?  Does the
government pretend to generate or justify violence?  The setting for
indigenous struggle will then become fortified in the field, in towns, in
regions, in their lands, in their territories.

The next bulletin of �Chiapas al Dia� will be about the Neoliberal
chronology and resistance.

Gustavo Castro Soto

Center for Economic and Political Investigations of Community Action, A.C.
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Translated by Cristina Padilla for CIEPAC, A. C.

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C I E P A C
Centro de Investigaciones Econ�micas y Pol�ticas de Acci�n Comunitaria, A.C.

Eje Vial Uno No. 11
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