George W. Bush has said that the best way to keep "peace" is to redefine
war on his own terms. Our own war against Bush and his ilk, the class war,
needs no redefining. 

Whatever the post-Taliban set-up in Afghanistan one thing is a forgone
conclusion. Any new government will have to be ready to bow with
suppliant's knee before the interests of US and in particular its oil
hounds, paying back the support their military wing the US air force and
US army afforded them. But by all accounts Afghanistan looks to be years
away from any semblance of peace and order � which of course gives the US
an ideal excuse to maintain a military presence in an oil rich region. 

Whilst Tony Blair has been globetrotting, drumming up support for the US
cause like some keen-to-impress US foreign secretary, there has been every
sign that George W is attempting to fulfil his father's prophecy, mouthed
during his presidential inaugural address all those years ago, that the
21st Century would be "another American century". 

For anyone interested in US domestic politics, aware that George W could
never sway an electorate by the power of his words, it perhaps came as no
surprise to learn that he could so blatantly repay his corporate backers
and grassroots supporters so early into his administration. Within months
of coming to office the gun lobbyists, oil companies, and defence
contractors had their services recognised for the world to see. The 1997
Kyoto protocol on emission reductions is now history. The 1972
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty � the cornerstone of all arms-control
negotiations during and since the cold war is now only fit to wipe the
presidential arse with, and down the proverbial toilet went the
comprehensive test-ban treaty and the UN treaty on the control of small
arms. Bush even denounced the recent UN convention on slavery.

On 25 July, the US scuppered a decade of international negotiations by
announcing in Geneva its intention not to back a draft protocol to
reinforce the biological weapons and toxin convention, which was initially
signed in 1972. Its reason? Such a move threatened US commercial
interests. The protocol would have included verification measures that
would have given international inspectors access to laboratories in the
signatory countries. Perhaps the US has some stronger reason for denying
inspections at thousands of its defence plants and biotechnology sites. 

What on earth are its commercial interests that it can nonchalantly
destroy a treaty signed in the interest of humanity? What is the US
developing? And wasn't it the US that was so insistent that an
international scientific inspectorate search behind every Iraqi door
capable of being locked? 

In effect, President Bush has told the world: "Fuck off, it's US first.
The world will be ruled by force and on behalf of US corporate interests".

The evidence has been ever present since 11 September. Colin Powell, when
asked to publicly provide evidence of bin Laden's links to the attack on
New York and Washington, avoided the issue by claiming such a disclosure
would be a breach of national security. When the Taliban wished to
negotiate, offering to hand bin Laden to a third party, Bush replied: "I
said no negotiations and I mean no negotiations." And while the US is keen
to point out it has a "coalition" of support against the Taliban it has
bombed Afghanistan virtually unilaterally, except for a few token cruise
missiles fired from a British submarine (a doggie-snack for the ever-loyal
poodle) on the first day of the attack upon Afghanistan. 

It is now not only full steam ahead with the prized National Missile
Defence (NMD) system with a target date for the deployment of the system
set for 2005 (See March Socialist Standard), but plans are now afoot in
the US to develop a space bomber that could destroy targets on the other
side of the globe within 30 minutes; the bomber travelling 15 times faster
than conventional bombers, able to hit a target from 60 miles up and
paving the way for a new era of stratospheric warfare. And research is
ongoing into direct energy weaponry, to be precise, the future use of
air-based lasers and space-based lasers, able to hit even moving targets
from 400 miles away at the sped of light

NMD, however is clearly a sign that the US is moving towards becoming a
more aggressive and threatening military power. Experts now maintain that
the issue is not so much whether an anti-missile system is feasible or
desirable, but what kind of diplomatic and military policies the world's
only superpower would pursue from beneath the relative safety of a nuclear
umbrella. It seems less the case that NMD is about protecting the USA from
'rogue states', and more the likelihood that such a sophisticated system
of defence will ensure the profits flow in the right direction and that
the global schoolyard bully can streamline its protection racket, safe in
the knowledge it will meet little resistance. 

Back in 1992, Paul Walfowitz (now Deputy Secretary of Defence) and Lew
Libby (Bush's National Security Adviser) formulated ideas which were
presented as a confidential Pentagon document by none other than
vice-president Dick Cheney:

"The US must hold global power and a monopoly of force. It will then
protect the new order while allowing others to pursue their legitimate
interests as Washington defines them. The US must account sufficiently for
the interests of the advanced industrial nations to discourage them from
challenging our leadership, or seeking to overturn the established
political order, or aspiring to a larger regional or global role�we will
retain the pre-eminent responsibility for addressing those wrongs which
threaten not only our interests but also those of our allies and friends.
The US alone will determine what are those wrongs and where they are to be
selectively righted." (quoted by Noam Chomsky in Year 501).

This is an extremely revealing document�a document that is also very
worrying. And it's not a one-off. There are others, take for instance the
US Space Command's document "Vision 2020" which, now five years old, well
telegraphs US designs for the 21st Century, suggesting that globalisation
will lead to greater misery, to a lot more "have-nots" with an axe to
grind and who will have to kept in line:

"Although unlikely to be challenged by a global peer competitor, the
United States will continue to be challenged regionally. The globalisation
of the world economy will also continue, with a widening between the haves
and have-nots. Accelerating rates of technological development will be
increasingly driven by commercial interests not the military. Increased
weapons lethality and precision will lead to new operational doctrines . .
. only military dominance will protect US interests and investments."

In 1998, the US government report "The Long-Term Plan" reiterated this
notion of there being trouble ahead from the dispossessed:

"The US will remain global power and exert global leadership. Widespread
communications will highlight disparities in resources and quality of
life, contributing to unrest in developing countries�The gap between the
'haves and the 'have�nots' will widen, creating regional unrest. The US
will remain the only nation able to project power globally."

It is a fair bet that such sentiments have been prominent components of
the US worldview for some years � at least since 1945 and definitely since
1989 and the collapse of Russian-style state capitalism. Moreover, it's no
bold assertion to suggest that China is chief the enemy in waiting � not
the allegedly "rogue states" such as Iraq and North Korea, nor the threat
of international terrorism which has really been a US favourite since the
days of Reagan � for the simple reason that China is an economic and
military power on a collision course with the US over domination of the
Pacific. And if the US learns anything from its military history it is to
get in first � hence the dire necessity of a fully functioning NMD.

At the beginning of July this year, only days before the New York Times
announced Bush's plans to ditch the comprehensive test ban treaty, his
administration enquired of nuclear laboratories just how soon they could
begin testing again � clearly intent on breaching agreements made 16
months earlier by 187 countries who had negotiated steps to strengthen the
non-proliferation treaty.

On the 14 July, the US launched a missile from the Marshall Islands.
Twenty-nine minutes later a second missile, launched from Vanderburg,
California, intercepted it at an altitude of 144 miles. The success not
only strengthened Republican arguments for a competent star wars system,
but was the order for similar multi-million dollar tests to be carried out
every month and helped justify the mobilisation of contractors into Fort
Greeley, Alaska, to begin foundation work on a new missile silo. 

Just over two years ago George W Bush, gave a speech at Charleston, South
Carolina. He spoke of the "contagious spread of missile technology and
weapons of mass destruction" and hence the necessity of strengthening the
unrivalled military power of the US. He then boldly announced that "the
best way to keep peace is to redefine war on our terms." Which just about
says it all � "to redefine war on our terms." Forget all the crap that
George W's father mouthed when he became president. The "peace dividend"
that was supposed to replace cold war hostilities and benefit all after
the collapse of "communism" was as fictitious as fairies. The agenda now
is as it was then and 50 years previous � US global domination in the
military and economic fields and woe betide anyone foolish enough to think
otherwise.

As socialists we certainly do not need to redefine our war. The war we
must fight to end the insanity and horror Bush and Co would hurl us
headlong into is the Class War. And this can not be fought with missiles,
but something more powerful � our minds, our imagination, our solidarity
and preparedness to unite as the majority exploited class and to wrest
control of the planet from the madmen before it is to late.

Are you with us? Don't take too long to think of a reply � the doomsday
clock really is ticking.

jt

www.worldsocialism.org


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