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Subject: The Deadly Pipeline War

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Published on Saturday, December 8, 2001 in The Jurist
<http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/index.htm>

The Deadly Pipeline War
US Afghan Policy Driven By Oil Interests

by Marjorie Cohn
     
George W. Bush justifies his bombing of Afghanistan as a war against
terror. A twin motive, however, is to make Afghanistan safe for United
States oil interests.


A few days before September 11, the U.S. Energy Information
Administration documented Afghanistan's strategic "geographical position
as a potential transit route for oil and natural and gas exports from
Central Asia to the Arabian Sea," including the construction of
pipelines through Afghanistan.


Prior to September 11, United States policy toward the Taliban was
largely influenced by oil. In a new book published in Paris, "Bin Laden,
la verite interdite" ("Bin Laden, the forbidden truth"), former French
intelligence officer Jean-Charles Brisard and journalist Guillaume
Dasquie document a cozy relationship between George W. Bush and the
Taliban. The book quotes John O'Neill, former director of anti-terrorism
for the FBI, who thought the U.S. State Department, acting on behalf of
United States and Saudi oil interests, interfered with FBI efforts to
track down Osama bin Laden.


Before he was tapped as Bush's running mate, Dick Cheney was CEO of
Halliburton, the biggest oil services company in the world. In a 1998
speech to the "Collateral Damage Conference" of the Cato Institute,
Cheney said, "the good Lord didn't see fit to put oil and gas only where
there are democratically elected regimes friendly to the United States.
Occasionally we have to operate in places where, all things considered,
one would not normally choose to go. But, we go where the business is."


Because of the instability in the Persian Gulf, Cheney zeroed in on the
world's other major source of oil, the Caspian Sea, whose resources were
estimated at $4 trillion by U.S. News and World Report. Cheney told oil
industry executives in 1998, "I can't think of a time when we've had a
region emerge as suddenly to become as strategically significant as the
Caspian." 


But Caspian oil, landlocked between Russia, Iran and former Soviet
republics, presents formidable transport challenges. Afghanistan is
strategically located near the Caspian Sea. In 1994, the U.S. State
Department and Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency sought to
install a stable regime in Afghanistan to enhance the prospects for
Western oil pipelines. They financed, armed and trained the Taliban in
its civil war against the Northern Alliance.


In 1995, California-based UNOCAL proposed the construction of an oil
pipeline from Turkmenistan, south through Afghanistan and Pakistan, to
the Arabian Sea. Yasushi Akashi, U.N. Under-Secretary General for
Humanitarian Affairs, was critical of "outside interference in
Afghanistan" in 1997, which, he said, "is now all related to the battle
for oil and gas pipelines. The fear is that these companies and regional
powers are just renting the Taliban for their own purposes."


Meanwhile, feminists and Greens in the United States mobilized
opposition to UNOCAL's pipeline deal and Washington's covert support of
the Taliban, because of the latter's oppression of women. In 1998, after
the U.S. bombed Al-Qaeda training camps in retaliation for the bombings
of the U.S. embassies in Africa, UNOCAL pulled out of the pipeline
negotiations. 


Once the Taliban are overthrown and the U.S. installs a pro-Western
government, lucrative investment opportunities will arise. Rob Sobhani,
president of Washington-based Caspian Energy Consulting, said, "Other
major energy companies could see big opportunities in a deal crucial to
restarting Afghanistan's economy." A new pipeline could produce revenues
totaling $100 million.


United States dependence on Middle East -- and soon Caspian -- oil --
has led our government to engage itself in heavy-handed, and deadly,
interventions. The development of a sensible U.S. energy policy would
obviate the perceived need to dominate other countries.


But there has been an ongoing pipeline war between Russia and the U.S.,
which support competing pipeline routes. An energy expert at the
National Security Council clarified the United States' anti-Russia
policy in 1997: "US policy was to promote the rapid development of
Caspian energy . . . We did so specifically to promote the independence
of these oil-rich countries, to in essence break Russia's monopoly
control over the transportation of oil from that region, and frankly, to
promote Western energy security through diversification of supply."


Former Russian President Boris Yeltsin recognized this in 1998: "We
cannot help seeing the uproar stirred up in some Western countries over
the energy resources of the Caspian. Some seek to exclude Russia from
the game and undermine its interests. The so-called pipeline war in the
region is part of this game."


This pipeline war has taken some curious turns since September 11. A New
York Times article in October emphasized new oil cooperation between
Russia and the United States. Laurent Ruseckas of Cambridge Energy
Research Associates said: "This whole idea of the U.S. and Russia
fighting over Caspian oil seems completely outdated. The West would like
to see Russian and Caspian oil on stream as quickly as possible."


But after September 11, Russia, which has sustained the Northern
Alliance for ten years, provided it with heavy artillery and encouraged
it to move into Kabul, in direct contravention of Bush's orders. Eric R.
Margolis, author of "War at the Top of the World - The Struggle for
Afghanistan, Kashmir and Tibet," chides Bush's naivete in thinking "the
Russians are now our friends." Margolis warns, "the president should
understand that where geopolitics and oil are concerned, there are no
friends, only competitors and enemies."


At this point, the outcome of U.S.-Russian relations, and the pipeline
war, remains uncertain. The deaths and starvation of thousands of
Afghanis, however, is a certainty. Regardless of how the black gold is
ultimately piped out of the Caspian Sea, the United States should
replace its pipeline of bombs with a pipeline of humanitarian assistance
to the people of Afghanistan.


Marjorie Cohn is an associate professor at Thomas Jefferson School of
Law in San Diego, where she teaches International Human Rights Law. She
welcomes comments on this essay at [EMAIL PROTECTED]


C Bernard J. Hibbitts, 2001

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